Abstract: Farmers-herders conflict, cattle rustling and rural banditry constitutes teething challenges in contemporary Nigeria. These security threats have been inherent in the history of the country, but are now taking a new approach and dimension. The nature and gravity of the farmer-herder conflict varies from place to place, depending on the historical circumstances and relationship between the major actors in the conflict. Thus, the annals of Sokoto Province was filled up with history and story about such violent bloodsheds in Sabon Birni District of present Sokoto State. The record shows the contours and persistent of such crises over time, without detail analysis of the factors and actors responsible for its prolongation. This paper discovers that the historical dialectical relationship with the Fulani herdsmen sometimes account for the persistence of these conflicts. The main preoccupation of this article is to study the historical trajectories of farmer-herder conflict in the frontline villages of Sabon Birni district of Sokoto State, Nigeria.
Keywords: Farmer, Herder, Frontier, Conflict and Conflict Management
The
Phenomenon of Farmer- Herder Conflict in Sabon Birni District of Sokoto State,
Nigeria
By
Murtala
Ahmed Rufa’i
Department
of History,
Usmanu
Danfodiyo University, Sokoto
(+234) 08065207020
Introduction
Farming on one hand and herding on the other are partially
divided along ethnic lines in Sabon Birni District. The sedentary population
mostly Hausa (Gobirawa) formed up the farmers, while pastoralists are basically
the Fulani. This division has been a source of conflict between the
two groups over time. The struggle for land and its resources was intensified
following the increase in both human and animal populations in the
contemporary periods (Blench, 1994). This Malthusian thesis led to a
corresponding demand for settlements, sources of water, farmlands and
other needs associated with land use (Bradburd, 1996).
Thus, the excessive pressure on land explains the genesis of the
conflict in most parts of Africa (Patrick, Engel &Maria, 2005). The
situation became aggravated with the actions and inactions of the sedentary
population in relation to land use. In fact, bush burning, blockage
of grazing routes, encroachment, and distortion of grazing reserves as
well as the restriction in the use of water resources have
been some of the factors influencing the conflict, (Ofouku & Isife,
2010). These are more often than not, at the detriment of pastoralism.
Therefore, this article attempts to study the nature and dynamics
of farmer-herder conflict in Sabon Birni District. The area is deliberately
chosen, due to the perennial and peculiar nature of the conflict, as well as
its longest history of anti-Fulani sentiments
(Arnett,1922, Adeleye, 1971 & Johnson, 1976).
Furthermore, the district stands as the most viable agricultural and pastoralist
zone in Sokoto State. Hence, the paper is divided into five sections. Abstract
and the introduction forms the first part, the background to
the study falls within the second section, the third segment details with the
nature and dynamics of farmer-herder conflict in the area, while section five
constitutes Bamgi Fulani and Gobirawa conflicts, the last section
concludes the paper.
Background of the Study Area
Sabon Birnin District of Sokoto State is the main homeland
of the Gobir people of Nigeria. The district was created during the
colonial period to integrate all the Gobirawa villages within the eastern part
of Sokoto State. At present, it is divided into two Local Government Areas
(Sabon-Birni and Isa) located, along with Nigeria-Niger border
areas. The Gobirawa people have a long history of
anti-Fulani sentiments, which could be traced to the famous Sokoto Jihad of
1804 (Augi, 1988).
Gobir kingdom was the epicenter of the Jihad, an Islamic
revolution led by Sheikh Usmanu bin Fodiyo. It was from Gobir that the movement
radiates to other parts of Hausaland (Bunza, 2017). The ousted Gobirawa were
famous fighters with different war and military attributes, according to Augi,
‘Warfare seems to have acquired the role of state ideology in Gobir (Augi,
1988). Similarly, scholars used different phrases to depicts the level of
militarism in Gobir, (Hogben and Kirk-Green, 1966) stated that the Gobirawa are
characterized by ‘nomadic restless and have pugnacity in their blood’, while
(Adeleye 1971), called them the ‘warmongers’ of western Hausaland. To (Last
1967), the Gobirawa are ‘jungle fighters’. In the same token, (Johnston 1976)
described them as ‘lawlessness of the desert’. In the final analysis,
war-likeness is an inborn characteristic of the Gobirawa,
(Augi,1984).
In spite of this inherent military attributes, the Gobirawa were
defeat by the Jihad forces in all of the battles fought. Although, there were
contending views and arguments by scholars on how this was done, which
shouldn’t delay us here, but an average Bagobiri (someone from Gobir) viewed
the Jihad as nothing but a ‘Fulani struggle’ against the Gobir hegemony rather
than Jihad in the actual sense of the word (Abubakar, Bango,2018). Some western
historians also see the Jihad with ethnic coloration, as ‘Fulani Jihad’
(Johnston, 1976). However, an in-depth analysis of the ethnic
formation of the movement shows completely the opposite. There was a mixture of
several ethnic and cultural groups such as the Gobirawa, Tauregs, Baroro and
even Fulani on both sides of the forces, (Bunza, 1997), this debunks completely
the ethnic perspective of the movement.
Moreover, the remote cause of the Jihad demonstrates that the
Fulani elements in Gobir before the Jihad suffered deprivation and exploitation
in the hands of the Gobir rulers. Since they (Fulani) constituted the bulk of
the herdsmen and controlled a lot of wealth, the manner of cattle tax collection
was often hastily and harshly done. This according to (Johnston,1976):
Bawa Jangwarzo (C. 1771 to C. 1789) was
considered a tyrant by the Fulani because of the severity with which he ordered
Jangali, the tax on cattle to be assessed and collected. Those who tried to
evade it, as to a greater or lesser extent the (pastoral Fulani) have always
tried to do, have their cattle seized. As a result, there was friction and
animosity.
Besides, the Fulani were denied certain fundamental rights of owning
slaves, freedom of grazing, and in an event of a conflict with the
sedentary population their right to justice was often denied. Thus, in case of
conflict between them (Fulani) and the Gobirawa were even forbidden to carry
arms for self-defense. Moreover, during the reign of Jangwarzo,
citizens were burdened with taxation and other levies in an effort to sustain
the state and prosecute its wars. Moreover, his opponents were imprisoned or
subjected to other forms of punishment and forced conscription into
the army. (Last, 1964). In pursuit of his policies, however, Jangwarzo only
succeeded in building up opposition against the Gobir State. These challenges
and a lot more were articulated by Sheikh Usman bin Fodiyo as justification for
the outbreak of the Jihad in Gobir (Al-Hajj, 1979).
Hence, the Fulani herdsmen were also not left behind in terms of
military prowess and restlessness (Smaldon, 1977). Their life is
cattle-centered and like the Gobirawa, they could sacrifice their blood for the
prosperity of their herds (Rufa’i, 2018). In light of this, two basic
factors came to play in Sabon-Birni District; first, the historical
animosity between the Gobirawa and Fulani related to the Jihad and second the
clash in economic interest between farming and pastoralism. In fact, these
two contending factors continue to influence the rate and spate of
farmer-herder conflicts in the district.
It is worthy of noting that not all Fulani in the district were
involved in the conflict. The Fulanin-Gobir, as they are often called
in Sabon Birni, are basically law-abiding and peaceful herdsmen.
Their origin and relationship with Gobir authority have a long history.
This category of Fulani has been with the Gobirawa right from the onset. They
fought on the side of the Gobirawa during the Jihad. The name Fulanin-Gobir is
associated with the long relationship that made them lose their identity,
(Bello Laginge, 2018).
Moreover, this Fulani were often appointed as leaders of the
entire Fulani by Sabon Birni authorities,(Bamgo,2019).While other category,
especially the late migrants have little regard and respect for these leaders
because according to them, they had lost their Fulani identity (Isah Buba,
2019). Thus, by identity here we mean the language and cattle, which constitutes
the basic parameter of differentiating Fulbe and Kado,(Rufa’i,2019).
This identity crisis between the two groups formed the basis for social
conflict amongst the two groups of Fulani, and also another bottleneck in
resolving the conflict.
The Bamgi Herdsmen
The main theater of farmer-harder conflict in Sabon Birni
Districts is the frontline villages of Makuwana, Laginge, Unguwar
Lalle and Tsamaye. The conflict was exacerbated by their location along the
eastern part of Nigeria-Niger borders. In fact, the cross-border herdsmen
particularly from Bamgi area of Madawa Division in the present Niger Republic
were the major actors in the conflict, (WJHCBS/172/1956). The presence of thick
throne-scrub and large forest along these borders provided an admirable hiding
place for the herdsmen. The forestland is about 50km, it cut-across all the
frontier villages and some parts of Madawa Division, (WJHCBS/127/195). The area
is called Fakon Allah (No man’s land) in Sabon
Birni (Bamgo, 2019). Thus, available records show that the forest hosted a
large number of criminals from both countries, (Rufai, 2018). This is not
common to Sabon Birni alone, Nigerian forestlands have been a veritable hiding
space for criminal activities over the years. Sokoto State, for instance, has
about 602.631 hectares of such ungovernable space. According to Okoli and
Fidelis (2016)
Forests provide a veritable operational base or hideout for
a variety of criminal activities. A typical forest consists of a cluster of
trees, plant communities, and undergrowth vegetation. It is usually
isolated from the frontiers of human settlement and often alienated from
community and state police.
Therefore, some of the Fulani from Bamgi who crossed the
border with their flock to this forest did so for the purpose of tax eviction.
There were about 5000 to 7000 heads of cattle that annually moved into Sabon
Birni District from this division in the 1950s(WJHCBS/152/48/1954).The
challenges confronted by the pastoralist in Madawa Division of Niger Republic
was a shortage of pasture and water during the dry season.
Therefore, most of the pastoral community settled or spend most of their dry
season in Sabon Birni District,(WJHCBS/152/48/1954).
Thus, some of the Fulani went to the extent of establishing
permanent grazing camps alongside the frontier villages on the
Nigerian side. Heads of Bamgi Fulani camps, like Maitaguwa from Maradi, had
his camp at Tara in 1953, Maje settled at the western part of Anguwar
Lalle in 1954, Buda Garkara stayed at Gatawa in 1955 and Sarkin Fulanin-Shamadara was
at Gangara in 1955. These clans were related to Sarkin Rafi of Bamgi. The
settlement of these pastoral communities in the area further encouraged the
seasonal movements of other Fulani across the border into the District in the
1950s (WJHCBS/152/60/1955 ).
It is also worthy to note that the Bamgi Fulani were not only
threat to the frontline farmers of Sabon Birni alone but they also constituted
a nuisance to the farming communities in Madawa Division of the Niger Republic.
Thus, even back home (Niger Republic), this pastoral group were tagged violent
and destructive (WJHCBS/150/42/1955). Their location along the border posed a
major threat to the Gabirawa who had a long history of anti-Fulani sentiments
in Nigeria. The District Officer of Sokoto best described the relationship in
the following words;
This situation, in the frontier north of
Sabon Birni, is made peculiarly difficult by the nature of the people concerned
and by the nature of the country; the Fulani of Bamgi are particularly wild and
undisciplined and the Gobirawa are well known for their stubborn,
uncompromising, and crafty character…the situation requires tactful handling,
(WJHCBS/140/45/1944).
Therefore, the last decade of colonial rule was characterized by
violent farmer-herder conflict in Sabon Birni District. The discord
became more entrenched during a series of droughts and famines
of 1913, 1942, and 1952 which negatively affected crops and animals
in the area. As a coping strategy, the herdsmen ventured into night raiding of
farmlands. Crop damage was deliberately done, as shown by the District Officer
Report of 1952; that the ‘Fulani have neither respect nor regard for the law of
the land. They often intentionally drive the herds into standing crops of the
Gobirawa’(WJHCBS/120/25/1952). In another report, it is confirmed
that ‘the Bamgi Fulani are particularly wild and uncontrolled, they drive the
cattle deliberately into the farms and open fire on the farm owners (Gobirawa)
who objects’,(WJHCBS/150/42/1955 ).
These herdsmen were not the only threat to the farmers
but even the law enforcement agencies like the Police. On 28th January,
1952 some Fulani from Bamgi by names Anderu, Gubul, Attahiru, Kiru and Ali,
inflicted severe injuries on the Native Authority Police (N.A Police) who went
to arrest them for the charges of farm destruction. The table below shows some
selected incidents of farmer-herder conflict alongside the frontier
villages,( WJHCBS/152/60/1952).
Selected Incidents of Farmer-Herder Conflict in the District
S/N |
Date |
Incidents |
1 |
15th
Feb, 1951 |
Suspected
Herdsmen from Bamgi carried out an attack against farmers of Malam Buzu that
led to the death of two people |
2 |
11th
Nov, 1952 |
Suspected
Herdsmen killed one farmer at China Barka near Sabon-Birni |
3 |
31stJanuary,
1952 |
Some
herdsmen had a clash with the N.A. Police that led to the death of two people
and several injured. |
4 |
6th
June, 1955 |
Suspected
Herdsmen killed Abdu Sarkin Kara of Tsamaye in his farm. |
5 |
4th
June, 1955 |
Major
farm destruction by Suspected Herdsmen in Sabon Birni |
6 |
9th March,
1956 |
Cattle
belong to Bamgi Fulani destroyed 9 farms in Yarbulutu |
7 |
10th March,
1956 |
Livestock
belong to Bamgi Fulani (Anderu, Bere, Ibro, Kiro and Ali ) Damaged
farms that led to fight in Sabon Birni and two people sustained severe
injuries. |
8 |
9th
Nov, 1956 |
One
person killed by herdsmen in Aremu village in Isa town |
9 |
30th
Dec, 1957 |
Suspected
Herdsmen murdered Gagun Katuru in his farm and farm products destroyed |
10 |
30th
Dec, 1957 |
Suspected
Herdsmen killed two farmers in Galadi village due to due to Farmer-Herder
conflict |
11 |
27th
Nov, 1960 |
Suspected
herdsmen killed one farmer in Barayar Zaki. |
12 |
21st
Dec, 1960 |
Suspected
Herdsmen killed Kanne a farmer from Mashaya village Anguwar Lalle. |
13 |
26th
January, 1962 |
Alh.
Dodo’s farm was destroyed by suspected herdsmen |
14 |
28th
April, 1964 |
Dankane
Bagobiri killed Yakubu Tsamaye because of farm dispute in Anguwar Lalle |
15 |
28th
April, 1964 |
Suspected
Herdsmen starved one Abdu Dan Mamman Tagirke due to farm dispute. |
16 |
8th
Nov, 1967 |
Two
people were injured as a result of the Farmer-Herder conflict in
Sabon-Birni town. |
17 |
12th
Nov,1967 |
Suspected
Herdsmen killed a farmer in Sabon-Birni and ran away to the Niger Republic. |
18 |
29
March,1971 |
Massive
anti-Fulani protest was jointly organized by Isa and Sabon Birni Areas. |
Source: Compiled from many archival materials on the district.
Therefore, most of the conflicts and what the Gobirawa termed as
‘war against the Fulanin-Bamgi’ often take place at night. The reason is
that the act of farm and crop destruction was done at night. Farmers
were readily available to guard their crops during the day. To further
curtailed or avert night raiding, some of the farmers settled permanently in
their respective farms throughout the rainy season. This reduced the damages to
a considerable extent. Even with that, there were recorded incidents of
forceful intrusion into the farmlands by the herdsmen ( Musa Salihu, 2019).
The crisis reached its apex when the farmers in both Isa and Sabon
Birni decided to unite and take a common position about the herdsmen in 1971.
They henceforth resolved to cut-off all forms of relationships with the
herdsmen. The farmers concluded that nobody should buy or sell anything
to the herders. Whoever relates with the herdsmen would be considered as a
saboteur and treated like them (Fulani). Some farmers were openly seen
harassing and intimidating Fulani women in the market across different parts of
the District. Fulani people deserted most of the weekly markets for the fear of
the unknown, (WJHCBS/PCJ/981/S1/1971).
To further achieve their objectives, the farmers created two
vigilante groups, Yan-Karma and Yan-Banga, who
conducted their operations with a high level of impunity. They often moved
in bands hunting and harassing the herders. Accused persons were mostly beaten
in some cases even killed extra-judicially. The vigilantes never hesitate to
shoot cattle found on farmlands. Members of this militant group were applauded
by the farmers and seen as freedom fighters. Thus, even when the leader of the
vigilante group (one Yusuf Kantu), was arrested on 29th March,
1971, about 200 Gobirawa farmers stormed Isa Police station and freed
him,(WJHCBS/PCJ/981/S1/1971).
Thus, some Gobirawa took the law into their hands after filing up a
series of petitions at Gusau Area Court about the unfortunate incidents.
The farmers believed that justice could not be had from the Alkali whom they
considered as ‘Fulani accomplice’ (Ibrahim Usman, 2019). This accusation is
partly associated with the delay in the dispensation of justice.
Furthermore, prior to these draconian measures taken by the farmers, officials
from both Nigeria and Niger had met to arrest the situation. On 6th December
1972 a meeting was held in the Niger Republic with Mr. Guilbot the
Chief in charge of Madawa Division, Dan Galadiman Waziri, Sarkin Gobir of
Madawa, Sarkin Gobir of Sabon Birni, Sarkin Rafin Bamgi amongst several
others,(WJHCBS/PCJ/28/S2/1970).Thus, the outcome of the meeting saw the
formation of the Joint Task Force (JTF) on border patrol. The JTF
reduces the level of cross-border disturbance. But even with that, there
were pockets of reported farm damages. Moreover, Sarkin Gobir Umaru, made
several appeals to the Sokoto authority, but in spite of their intervention,
the security situation remained deteriorated. This is partly due to a
wide range of factors and actors involved.
Factors and Actors in the Conflict
Local historians in Sabon Birni spoke extensively on repeated
cases of farm destruction by the pastoral Fulani,(Umar Sani, 2019). It is
neither an exaggeration nor an overstatement to state that one of the difficult
challenges faced by the Gobirawa aristocrats came from the herdsmen. This could
be accepted because of the fertility of the frontier villages in terms of
agriculture and pasture. (Watts,1983) called the area ‘pastoral zone’. The
viability of the land and its reach resources set the ball of the conflict
rolling. According to Okpeh- Okpeh(2018)
Both the farmer and the pastoralist
naturally disagree over access to natural resources. Sometimes these
disagreements are amicably resolved, but at other times they are left to fester
and degenerate into bloody conflicts, as has been witnessed in some parts of
the country in recent years.
Some herdsmen in Sabon Birni district have a traditional and
superstition belief that for their livestock to remain strong and healthy
all the year-round, farm incursion and stubble grazing are necessary. Thus,
not only the stubble that is important but the young growing dry season
crops are also essential in giving their cattle a prosperous start to the dry
season. Hence, the herdsmen could do everything possible to ensure the
prosperity of their cattle during the dry season (WJHCBS/1526/128/1956).
Therefore, this partly explains why the conflict is more pervasive during
harvest which is a transitional period from rainy to dry season. This view was
further verified and confirmed amongst both the farmers and herders alike,
(Sani Bello,2019). To the Gobirawa farmers, this is the major source
of their conflict with the Bamgi Fulani who staunchly held this view (Abdullahi
Bello, 2019).
Furthermore, the failure on the part of the traditional
authorities also kept the tension high. In a confidential report written by the
District Officer of Sokoto Division in 1955, the District Head of Sabon Birni
was accused of being an actor in the conflict. According to the
report he was weak, corrupt and incompetent. This inherent weakness contributed
to the conflict, some of the farming communities even accused him of
allegedly collecting gifts from the herders which most people regarded as a
bribe (WJHCBS/S52/104/1955 ). This was reputed in Sabon Birni by an informant
who claimed that the District Head was weak due to old-age, which negatively
affected his administration. Therefore, the age factor created an opportunity
for the conflict to thrive (Bamgo, 2019).
Moreover, some traditional political authorities like Wakili and
Galadima were also accused of either making anti-Fulani remarks or collecting
bribe from the herdsmen. Galadiman Sabon Birni for instance was allegedly
making inflammatory remarks in public places, such as ‘kill the
Fulani(herder) and bring me the head, I will see that you are protected from
the consequences’(WJHCBS/152/104/25/I/55). By extension, this was
mostly considered as the official position of the ‘Gobir palace’. This is
because the hate speech was made by an important personality. Similarly, a
strong rumor was circulating during this period that the farmers of Unguwar
Lalle were about to launch a decisive attack against the pastoralist.
Such hate speeches and rumors had a significant impact on keeping the
tension high in the district (WJHCBS/152/104/25/I/55).
Moreover, most of the lands officially allocated to the
pastoralists as either grazing reserve or grazing routes were converted to
either settlements or farmlands. As far back as 1954, some pastoral
communities lamented bitterly on how the grazing reserves around Tsamaye, Sabon
Sara, Malam Buzu and Fakon Allah were turned into farmland (WJHCBS/153/1955).
This single act could also explain the reason behind the unending conflict
between the Gobirawa and Bamgi Fulani around Malam Buzu in the 1950s and 1960s
as demonstrated in the above table.
According to the late Sarkin Gobir of Sabon Birni, the genesis
of the farmer-herder conflict in the area could be associated with
farmer’s encroachment into the grazing reserves. All efforts to stop this
illegal practice by his administration proved abortive (WJHCBS/163/1954). The
Fulani ascribed the conflict to the traditional rulers who shared the reserves
amongst themselves and their cronies. While on the side of the traditional
rulers they accused the Fulani of disposing of land without the
consent of the constituted authority, which is an infringement into the
prerogatives of the Village Head (WJHCBS: 168/126/1954). Moreover, the major
sources of water for pastoralist around Anguwar Lalle, Barayar Zaki, Gatawa and
Tsamare, Tabkin Kanu, among several others were blocked through the act of the
sedentary farmers (Bello Sani,2019) Since the cattle could not
access sources of dry season water and Fadama grassland, then conflict is
inevitable. This situation promotes farm encroachment and crop destruction on a
large scale. The reality is that encroachment and destruction of the grazing
reserves, corruption on part of the traditional institutions as well as climate
change in ever-increasing population growth, seems to be the
overriding factors behind the conflict.
Conclusion
Sabon Birni District has a long history of farmer-herder conflict
compared to other areas in northern Nigeria. Whenever and wherever such
conflict occurred the Gobirawa often recalled the old acrimony associated with
the Sokoto Jihad. Most of the farmer-herder conflicts in the area were either
called Jihad or Fulani war. In this case, war drums were often bitten in an
attempt to mobilize people for the war. Gobirawa hunters, vigilante groups and
other military formations assumed another important position during this
period. Although, there is inadequate data on the level of destructions and
loss of lives, but some informants comment that within the period of
twenty years, 1950-1970 over five hundred (500) people were killed across both
parties of the war. This could be accepted when corroborated with recorded
cases related to farm disputes in the various courts in the district and
beyond. For instance, 103 cases were reported in 1950, the number
reached 132 in 1951 and 210 in 1953. These figures continue increasing overtime
demonstrating the prevalence of the conflict. The conflict was mitigated during
the reign of Sarkin Gobir Muhammadu Bawa who engaged the Fulani in continuous
dialogue and came out with new grazing policies in the
district.
References
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