The study of inter-group relations in Nigeria is a heavily tasked subject because of the impact it has had in the nation in the area of group conflicts, bitterness, rivalries and hatred. It is rather unfortunate that the various Nigerian groups, which in the past lived in harmonious and cooperative relations, now live in animosity. This paper is an attempt to examine the nature and significance of Inter-group Relations in Jos Metropolis with focus on Hausa Migrants and the Host Community between 1915 and 2022. Structurally, the paper is divided into several parts, the first of which is the introduction, sections two and three examine the settlement of Hausa community in Jos metropolis and brief explanation on the introduction of Islam to Jos and economic contributions of Hausa migrants to the growth of Jos metropolis. Part four examines the causes and course of conflicts between the Hausa migrants and their Jos hosts. Section four shed some light on the socio-economic effects of Jos conflicts on migrant groups and the host community, while the last section is the conclusion. The paper depends largely on primary and secondary sources of history. The field work conducted shows that inter-group relations between the Hausa and the host community have led to the loss of lives and properties destroyed. The paper in the final analysis put forward certain recommendations on how to maintain peace for sustainable development in the town.
Keywords: Inter-Group, Relations and Conflicts, Jos Metropolis, Hausa Migrants, Host Community
Introduction
Jos metropolis is situated on a pear-shaped plateau
composed of undulating hills that are geographically known as the Jos plateau.
This upland mass stretches for approximately 104 kilometers from North to South
and 80 kilometers from East to West, covering an area of about 8,600 square
kilometers or 860,000 hectares. Characterized by impressive ridges and isolated
rocky hills separated by extensive plains, the Jos town exhibits a variety of
landforms possessing beautiful landscape which provided excellent picnic
resorts and attractive to lovers of nature. It enjoys a near temperate climate
averaging 220C (75F) daily with an average humidity of 60% and
average annual rainfall of 11,400mm (56’). It maintains an average height of
1,200 meters (4,000 ft) above sea level, and reaches its highest peak in the
Shere Hills where it strands as 1,766 meters (5,829ft).[1] This gives it a generally
cool temperature against the backdrop of enchanting scenic beauty and alluring
cool weather, which make it a haven for Nigerians and foreigners alike.[2]
These factors account for Jos having the largest concentration of Europeans in
Nigeria outside Lagos according to the 1963 national population census figure.[3]
Situated almost at the geographical centre of Nigeria and about 288 kilometers
from Abuja, the Federal Capital of Nigeria, Jos is linked to the rest of the
country by road, rail and air.
The town of Jos, nicknamed the tin city was
established in 1915 as a tin transportation camp and its early history was
closely linked to the prosperity of the tin mining industry. The movement of
the administrative headquarters of colonial government in 1915 from Naraguta to
Jos marked the beginning of it growth. In 1967 it became the capital of the
defunct Benue-Plateau State and was transformed into the capital of Plateau
State in 1975, thus becoming an important administrative and commercial centre.
With a population of between 800,000 and 1,000,000, based on 2006 population
census, Jos remains one of the most cosmopolitan cities in Nigeria.[4]
Until recently, Jos used to be a quiet and peaceful
city such that it prides itself as the ‘Home of Peace’. The peaceful atmosphere
that has long been associated with the tin city suddenly became interrupted and
gave way to violence among the inhabitants of the city that was the traditional
owners of Jos. The discovery of vast mineral deposits in the vicinity of Jos
like tin and columbite were extensively mined in the area from time immemorial.
The minerals were transported to both Port Harcourt and Lagos on the coast, for
onward movement to Europe. Tin mining has led to the influx of migrants mostly
Yoruba, Igbo and Hausa who constituted more than half of the population of the
city.[5] This
paper is an attempt to examine the relationships that existed between the Hausa
and their Jos hosts in order to situate the entire conflicts that erupted
between the duos.
The Hausa in Jos
The Hausa migrants constitute a formidable communal
cultural group who has made numerous contributions to the social, economic, and
political life of Jos metropolis, a fact which can hardly be challenged by the
hosts. The presence of Hausa migrants on the Plateau and Jos metropolis in
particular predated the colonial period but was to become more significant
during colonialism when large-scale mining activities started.[6]
Balarebe asserts that contact between Hausa migrants and their hosts in North
Central Nigeria intensified following in-roads made by Jihadists into places
such as Wase and Lere which became tribute collection centers for different
emirates whose political supremacy was so recognized. Such vassal States
attracted Hausa migrants and thus increased the possibility of cementing
economic ties with the hosts. Commercial and trade links of this type and
associated wave of migration led to the establishment of Hausa settlements in
Plateau community. Hausa community in the town was the result of the settlement
of itinerant Hausa traders involved in buying and selling the tin ore around
the Plateau, and those who were involved in the constant raid of the Plateau for
slaves prior to 1900.[7]
Apart from trade and commerce which led to increase
contacts between the Hausa migrants and the host community, and which attracted
the migration of the former into the later, there was also the ecological
factor. James opines that drought and desertification which ravaged the arid
and semi-arid zones to the North had, overtime, encouraged the Southward
migration of pastoralists and agriculturalists. This led to the growth of
several Hausa settlements in many parts of North Central Nigeria and Jos in
particular. This was a very long historical process that begun before the
advent of colonialism.[8]
Furthermore, Hausa population that formed the bulk of African Native Soldiers
who took part in the early expeditions of Jos Plateau also contributed
substantially to the provision of labor for the mining companies following the
discovery of Tin Fields in Naraguta and Bukuru. According to Egwu between 1907
and 1914, the Hausa speaking people of Kano, Zaria, Katsina and Bauchi
accounted for more than 20 percent of the total labor force in the mining
fields of Jos-Plateau. Hence, by the time Jos was officially established in
1915 following the removal of the colonial headquarters from Naraguta, there
were enough Hausa migrants to justify the reference to it as ‘Hausa
Settlement’. Hausa migrants especially traders and miners came in droves in the
course of the consolidation of colonial presence and the expansion of tin
mining activities. This is easy to explain given the long history of distance
trade and commerce associated with the Hausa particularly those of Kanawa origin
who actually dominated migrant Hausa population. As alluded to the above, the
movement of Barde dan Galadima from Naraguta to Jos in 1915 encouraged the
movement of a considerable number of Hausa population previously living at
Naraguta.[9]
Barde became the second Sarkin Jos after the death of Bunu who was
appointed by the colonial government. However, the reign of Barde came to an
end in 1920 following his conviction on account of corrupt practices. In 1929
an ex-sergeant major of the West African Frontier Force (W.A.F.F.) Saidu who
died in 1931 was appointed Sarkin Hausawa (head of Hausa community in
Jos) after a sterling performance. The last Sarkin Hausawa in Jos, Isiaku was
appointed and died in 1948. The chief of Berom was now appointed as Sarkin Berom largely in recognition of
the political ascendancy of Berom people.[10]
Apart from the claim to have discovered Jos the Hausa
community in Jos often cite the hegemonic political role played in the early
phase of colonial era. Between 1912 and 1948 the Hausa produced several Sarkunan
Jos in succession and that it was not until 1948 that the first Berom, Mr.
Rwang Pam, was appointed the chief of Berom. The fact that he was appointed
Chief of Berom as opposed to Chief of Jos was emphasized to show that the
institution of Gbong Gwom Berom (Chief of Berom) lacks authority and
jurisdiction over non-Berom. It was only in 1969 that the title of Gbong
Gwom Berom was changed to Gbong Gwom Jos (Chief of Jos) so that he
can be chief over the people in Jos.[11] The presence of a large
population of Hausa migrants in Jos at the onset of colonial rule provided an
additional impetus to the British in introducing emirate type of
administration. The first response of the British was to make the hereditary
Hausa headman in Naraguta in the person of Bunu responsible for tax collection
and maintenance of law and order in the area.[12]
According to Tijani the imposition of the colonial
taxes and the insistence of its payment with the new coins were the prime
movers in the development of migrant wage labor. The colonial taxes and
currencies and the introduction of cash crops and new European goods integrated
colonial economic policies in the town. The currency was introduced around 1900
and by 1912, it had become dominant. This was due to the insistence that the
colonial taxes should be paid in coins. The colonial environment increased the
movement of Hausa migrants into different parts of Nigeria. This was due to the
effects of colonial taxes, roads and railway construction.[13]
In the opinion of
Abdulkardir, the construction of a network of roads and railway lines equally
contributed to the migration of Hausa to Jos. He further states that the
presence of Hausa migrants in the area subsequently led to the introduction and
spread of Islam in Jos. Between 1913 and 1927 important economic zones and the
core north were linked by the railway. In 1913, the Bauchi Light Railway
connected the Jos-Plateau with Zaria. The Port Harcourt-Kaduna Eastern
Extension line connected Kafanchan and reached Jingere, Naraguta, Bukuru and
Jos in 1926. The Jos-Plateau was the major tin mining centre attracting Hausa
miners and workers to the area.[14]
Thus between 1969 and 1976,
there were four prominent Hausa migrants who served as Magajin Gari Jos,
these include Mallam Mammadi, Mohammed Dankarfala, Othman Na Garba and Ali
Kazaure.[15]Bauchi
Road, Faringada, Gadabiu, Massalacin Jumu’a, Gangare, Dogon Karfe and Terminus
are outstanding locations where Hausa migrants in Jos were and are still
concentrated.[16]
These are areas where Hausa migrants live to create a distinctive
socio-political life style to foster their cultural heritage and economic
interests in the midst of different ethnic groups.[17]
To foster unity and cooperation amongst the Hausa migrants in Jos, they
organized themselves and formed an organization known as Jasawa Development
Association, a predominantly Hausa-Fulani group. Through this association they
have been able to channel their complains and grievances to the Plateau State
Government.
Some Economic
Contributions of Hausa Migrants in Jos
The impact of Hausa migrants
in Jos metropolis is mostly felt in trade and service industries. One of the
areas where Hausa traders are mostly found is in the trade of kolanut and
livestock such as cattle, goat, and sheep.[18]
Trade in livestock and kolanut involved a long chain of sellers, dealers,
drovers, commission agents and other intermediaries, many of whom were either
Hausa or members of the host community.[19]
Kolanut is mostly imported from Southwestern parts of Nigeria into Jos. Hausa
people were and are still known as lovers of the nut. One of the major markets
within Jos metropolis where these stocks are sold is Kasuwar Annshanu
(cattle market) located at Nassarawa Area of the town. The economic importance
of livestock to the people of Jos cannot be over emphasized. Beef production, suya
meat (meat roasted with pepper and other ingredients), kilishi (meat
sliced into thin layers), ponmo (cow skin) and nono (cow milk)
are some of the benefits derived from the livestock.[20]
Hausa migrants in Jos also specialized in the making of Suya and Kilishi,
in several parts of the town including restaurants and hotels, roundabouts, bus
stops, motor parks and popular junctions[21]
Another area of Jos economy
where the Hausa migrants dominate was/is in the sales of assorted goods. Hausa
migrants in Jos are into the sales of stuff like wall clock, umbrella,
sunglasses, transistor radio, wristwatch, electrical appliances like television,
radio, water heater, fridges, water dispensers, fans, and various types of
useful items. They are also into the sales of leather products for females and
males such as bags, belts, slippers and purse. Some of the leather materials
are produced in Jos while others brought from other parts of the North
especially Kano. Some Hausa migrants were and are still into the sales of
cosmetic materials, while others are involved in the sales of assorted fruits
like oranges, Banana, apple, Watermelon, Pineapple, Carrots and many more. Some
are into the sales of food stuff like Irish potato, Beans, Gari, Yam, Rice and
some perishable items like Tomatoes, Pepper, Onions e.t.c.[22]Hausa
traders especially those residing in Hausa dominated areas are involved in the
distribution of different Islamic Paraphernalia such as Tesbeh(rosary),
prayer mats, Quran cover and Islamic decorations. Interestingly, members of the
host community as well as other migrant groups who professed Islam patronize
the Hausa traders who normally brought the items from Kano.[23]
Another area of economic
dominance of Hausa migrants in the economy of Jos metropolis is the trade in
secondhand clothes, known as Gwanjo. They are mostly found in Terminus
and Katako markets. Some of the Hausa traders involve in this form of business
move around displaying their goods within the city of Jos. Another major
economic activity of Hausa dominance in the commercial life of Jos metropolis
was/is in the service of ‘bureau-de-change’.[24]
Hausa migrants are engaged in buying and selling of foreign currencies ranging
from the Saudi Riyadh, the German Dutch Mark, the Japanese Yen, the French
Francs, the French West African CFA, the British Pound Sterling to the American
Dollar. Though most of this bureau-de-change are illegal outfits, their owners
and operators are able to sustain their business of exchanging foreign
currencies from sellers at higher rates than the formal commercial houses and
sell to their buyers. However, there is competition in the business as many of
the Hausa bureau-de-change vendors solicit for clients openly. Their customers
include tourists, businessmen and academics, e.t.c. With the presence of Hausa
bureau-de-change vendors many people can easily exchange dollars or pounds
sterling to Naira or vice versa without the formalities of the commercial
houses.[25]
Trade in gold or jewelries
popularly known as Yan Zinari is another major area of Hausa economic
activity in Jos metropolis. Many Hausa traders engaged in buying and selling of
gold. They buy new or used gold chains, bangles, and earrings.[26]
Alkammawa in one of his works asserted that trade in gold jewelries emerged in
the 20th Century and goes back to the period of the Goldsmith/Gold
traders’ Ordinance of 1935 that granted license to the United African Company
(UAC).[27]
Another major economic activity of Hausa dominance in the commercial life of
Jos metropolis is in the business of tailoring and fashion designing. Unguwar
Rogo, Gangare, Rikkos, Nasarawa, Delimi areas e.t.c are places in Jos where
Hausa tailors and fashion designers could be found. The Hausa tailors and
designers make various Hausa dresses and designs in varying styles for their
customers.[28]
Another crucial sector where
the Hausa migrants are mostly found is in the business of shoe making and
repairs. Most of them move from one part of the city to the other knocking
their hammers on the tools box to draw the attention of prospective customers.
However, most of the Hausa shoe repairers and makers use different shops for
their business; some make use of umbrellas and sit under them with their tools.
Hausa migrants were and are still important in the area of roadside mechanic.
Like the Yoruba, the Hausa are actively found in this sector. Their services
are needed in the repair of cars of the general public within the town of Jos.
They are/were mostly found in Bauchi Road, Faringada and Delimi areas e.t.c.
Several other Hausa migrants in Jos engaged in building construction, printing,
carpentry, barbing, and driving.[29]
Conflicts in
the Course of Inter-Group Relations
The word conflict emanates
from the Latin word ‘conflictus’ which translates to ‘struck together’.[30]
Adeola states that conflict means clash, contention, confrontation, battle or
struggle, controversy or quarrel. Adeola further explained that conflict is a
struggle over values and claims over status, power, and resources in which the
aims of opponents are to neutralize, injure or eliminate their rivals. It is a
reality of social life and exists at all levels of society. Actually, conflicts
are as old as the world itself. We learn from history about individuals being
in conflict with one another for various reasons. The trend has not changed
today. Individuals, villages, tribes, political parties, nations, and other
forms of groupings engage in conflicts.[31]
Usman and Badmus argue that
many conditions have been attributed to the rise of conflicts in societies.
Among the major conditions are competition and contestation for political and
economic posts and resources.[32]
The increasing awareness among different ethnic groups of their conflicting
political and economic interests normally further divide the society along
tribal, cultural, and religious lines, resulting into disputes and clashes. In
Jos the capital city of Plateau State, widespread armed conflicts with
political, religious, and tribal undertones leading to the destruction of lives
and properties are common phenomena. The noticeable conflicts in Jos occurred
in post-independent period. The conflicts usually pit one group against
another. The most noticeable groups in these conflicts remain the occupational,
ethnic, and religious groups. The conflicts have taken mainly religious
dimension between Muslims and Christians, but ethnicity has played a central
role. This is because the adherents of the two dominant religions are also
divided along ethnic and cultural lines. The Muslims are predominantly
Hausa/Fulani migrants while the Christians are the indigenous peoples such as
the Berom, Afizere and Anaguta e.t.c.[33]
Signals pointing towards the
manifestation of contentious issues between the Hausa migrants and the hosts
started emanating in the 1990s amongst residents. This culminated in 1994 into
open clashes mainly between the Berom indigenes and Hausa migrants over
farmland and local chieftaincy titles. Jos metropolis registered a great deal
of crisis beginning on dark Friday 7th September to 14th
2001 and again on 2nd May 2002 in the Etobaba area located within
jos metropolis, followed, by numerous attacks by marauding Hausa/Fulani
militias on host members living in the Northern senatorial Districts of plateau
State.[34]
The scene of attacks on both sides switched to the Southern Senatorial District
which eventually culminated into major crisis that killed hundreds of citizens,
first in Yelwa in February with the massacre of about a hundred Christians, 67
of them in COCIN Church Yelwa and later again reprisal killings in Yelwa with
revenge killings by Christians in May 2004. The outcry by Muslims against the
later killings led to the declaration of a State of Emergency on Plateau State
by the then President Olusegun Obasanjo.[35]
Again, in November 2008,
local government elections were conducted across Plateau State, however, the
conduct of the election in Jos North and the dispute over the results ignited a
renewed mass violence, leading to the death of over 700 people within two days.
Unlike in 2001, the conflict was limited to Jos North. Even though the election
process itself went smoothly and peacefully, the two parties had youth groups
following the stages of vote gathering and the transportation of ballot boxes
to the collation centres in order to protect their votes. To worsen the
situation, the Jos North collation centre was relocated and neither side had
been appropriately informed about it. This fueled uncertainties among the
Hausa/Fulani migrants that their votes would be lost and also that the Plateau
State Independent Electoral Commission would alter the votes in favor of the
State’s ruling party, the PDP.[36]
Another conflict broke out
in January 2010. While it was thought to be a reprisal attack for the 2008
conflict, some believed it was caused by lack of meaningful communication
between the Hausa migrants and the hosts. However, it may have been drawn from
existing schizogenesis and earlier violence.[37]
The causes of conflicts in Jos are very important ingredients needed for proper
and balanced diagnosis, the remote and immediate causes may vary and alternate
in their significance to the conflict. Though religious and ethnic violence are
said to be inevitable in a plural society like Jos, they usually have
political, social, and economic undertones and their prerequisite include
injustice, inequality, bad governance, discriminations, marginalization of
people. Competition for scarce resources, poverty, and underdevelopment among
others.[38]
Effects of Jos
Conflicts on Migrant Groups and Host Community
Before the 2001 crisis, Jos
used to be greatest centre of buying and selling exotic crops such as Irish
potatoes, Apples, Grapes, Wheat, Barly, Vegetables and others, and a centre of
tourism appreciated by many migrant groups in Nigeria and outside Nigeria
alike. Since 2001 when ethno- religious conflicts started however, the city is
no longer the economic strong hold of the North Central Nigeria. The conflicts
have set Jos city and the entire Plateau State backward in terms of
socio-economic growth. This was because many migrant communities who intended
to either set-up businesses or engage in buying and selling in Jos have
deserted the city.[39]
Abdulrahman and Abdulhafeez
maintained that when the first major crisis occurred in 2001, members of the
host community who are predominantly farmers still had confidence of going to
their farmlands to cultivate their crops. But following the subsequent conflicts,
the farming which was a key source of income to Plateau people suddenly became
difficult to undertake. This was because farmers became targets of the warring
groups in the name of reprisal attacks and destruction of land and properties.
Consequently, agriculture became affected negatively, thus, affecting the
ability of the State to achieve uninterrupted, positive economic growth.[40]
According to Marren following the violence and conflicts of 2004, 2008 and
2010, many farmlands around the villages were burnt, so returning to the
farmlands for some members of the host community was very difficult as the
crops they initially planted were destroyed. The few that survived yielded
nothing much after harvest, as a result of the loss of land nutrient. Farmers
who were faced with challenges of insecurity had to abandon their farmlands in
search of safety elsewhere.[41]
Again, conflicts also created fluctuation and unstable prices of goods and
services, making the cost of living very high. This in turn led to mass exodus
of both skilled and unskilled labor force.[42]
Following the conflicts that
erupted in Jos, economic activities have also been affected as the major
markets like the popular terminus market where shops were always occupied have
become a ghost of itself. It should be observed that people are ready to occupy
the shops but due to the climate of war that still exists, they are afraid to
do that. Even the Bukuru main market which used to be a beehive of activities
has become rather scanty and lifeless as many people who usually transact
business there have relocated from Jos and found alternative and safer places
to practice their economic activities.[43]
Bonkat opined that violent conflict creates a situation of uncertainty and
insecurity, but the migrant groups and the hosts make efforts to continue their
lives and survive despite these problems. They developed the act of tremendous
resilience in the face of extreme forms of uncertainty and insecurity. Such
people especially markets women have taken some actions to ensure they continue
their lives despite violence in Jos.[44]
According to Josiah
religious violence between the Muslim Hausa/Fulani migrants and their Christian
hosts in Jos has become a potent instrument of underdevelopment. Each crisis
often leaves behind memories of tears, sadness, frustration, and anger. It leads
to mutual suspicious and acrimony. No meaningful development can be established
and sustained under such unhealthy atmosphere. Violence is capable of scaring
investors (migrants or host members) because it will amount to economic risk
for anyone to invest in an environment that is not conducive for business.[45]
Worst still, the state’s hard-earned currency which could have been channeled
to positive development programmes like education, health and other social
services is often spent quelling violence and conflicts which usually result in
the defacing destruction of houses, businesses, Churches and Mosques.
Therefore, as far as development in Jos metropolitan city is concerned violence
displaces people, destroys human beings and properties, unleashes fear and
insecurity, hampers educational, political, social, and psychological
well-being of the city.[46]
However, the Muslim
Hausa/Fulani migrants and their Christian Jos hosts must realize that God has
no favorite religion, it should be clear to them that every person is also a servant
of God no matter his or her religious background. To move the society forward,
religious differences should not interfere with the brotherhood of all. The
Hausa/Fulani migrants and Jos hosts should learn to be more accommodating and
tolerant. Peaceful practice of religion with respect for other people’s
religious views is a recipe for development in the society.[47]
Government should create employment opportunities, as unemployment raises so
also is the increase in violence and crime making the society insecure.
Therefore, government should tackle and arrest youth restiveness by investing
on job creation. Leaders of the two major religious groups in Jos should
educate their followers on the great value of religious toleration in a
pluralistic society like Jos city. Government should arrest and charge for
assault all those who attack their fellow citizens in the name of religion.[48]
Finally, regarding the
migration and settlement of Nigerians across the length and breadth of the
federation, the constitution needs amendment to confer citizenship rights and
privileges on all Nigerians irrespective of state of origin and place or region.
The constitution should be made to tell all contending parties in Jos crisis
that every person either of the Berom, Afizare, Hausa, Fulani, Anaguta, Yoruba,
Igbo, or urhobo origin, is a citizen of Nigeria. It then logically follows that
anybody so found qualified by the constituted authorities should be able to
hold any position.[49]The
constitution should be made to unequivocally and explicitly state that the home
of a Nigerian citizen is the place that he/she has found conducive for
residence and livelihood. Hence, the migrant groups and their Jos hosts would
understand that they are at liberty to vote and be voted for any person or
group of persons of their choice irrespective of whether he/she is from Oyo
State or Plateau State, whether he/she is Hausa, Berom, Igbo, Yoruba or
Itshekiri.[50]
Conclusion
The paper unravels the
Inter-Group Relations and Conflicts in Jos Metropolis: A Study of Hausa
Migrants and Host Community, 1915-2022. It shows that from 1915 when Jos city
became the administrative headquarters of the colonialists Hausa migrants had
lived and contributed to the development of the city. The paper concludes first
that economic activities such as mining and trading attracted the Hausa
migrants to Jos. Second that Hausa migrants did not limit themselves to trading
alone, they dominate some sectors in the economy of Jos metropolis such as
fashion designing and tailoring, bureau the change, shoe repair and making, and
mechanical works e.t.c. Third, that series of armed conflicts and violence
which resulted into killings of people and destruction of properties have
erupted in the course of inter-group relations between the duos. Forth, that
these conflicts hampered the socio-economic growth of Jos, and they are
impediments to development. Fifth, that there is need for government of Plateau
State to create job opportunities to address youth restiveness in Jos
metropolis and that the constitution of Nigeria needs amendment in order to
confer citizenship rights and privileges on all Nigerians irrespective of state
of Nigeria.
[1]U.H.D. Danfulani, The Jos Peace Conference and the Indigene/Settler
Question in Nigerian Politics, ASC, Leiden/University of Jos, Nigeria,
Internet Source: www.ascleiden.nl, Retrieved on 08. 03.
2021, P. 2
[2]See Some Relevant
discussions on the location and Geography of Jos Plateau in ASC,
Leiden/University of Jos, Nigeria, Internet Source: www.ascleiden.nl, Retrieved on 08. 03.
2021, P. 2. Also see B. Dogo, ‘The Migration patterns of the Nomadic Cattle
Fulani on the Jos-Plateau, Nigeria’ MSc (Geography and Planning), Dissertation,
UniJos, 1990, P.6
[3]This Information is
Available in Plateau State of Nigeria
Gazette, 2004, P.1
[4]For Further detailed on
this See Plateau State of Nigeria Gazette, 2004, P.1 For more detailed
Information see S.G. Egwu, Ethnicity and Citizenship in Urban Nigeria: The Jos
Case, 1960-2000’ PhD (Political Science) Thesis, UniJos, 2004, P.115
[5]Dele
J. Olu and Y. Abubakar, ‘The Settlement and Integration of Jos-Plateau Migrant
Community in Sokoto Metropolis in the 20th Century’ in Degel: Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol.13,
2016, P. 53
[6]For more details see S.
G. Egwu, ‘Ethnicity and Citizenship in Urban Nigeria: The Jos Case, 1960-2000’
Ph.D (Political Science) Thesis, UNIJOS, 2004, PP. 117-251.
[7]M. D. Balarebe, ‘The
Development of the Hausa Community in Jos Since 1916 to the Present Day’ B. A.
(History) Project, UNIJOS, 1992, P. 3
[8]See I. James, The
Settlement Phenomenon in the Middle Belt and the Problem of National
Integration in Nigeria, Jos, Midland Press Limited, 2000, PP.29-58
[9]S. G. Egwu, ‘Ethnicity
and Citizenship in Urban Nigeria: The Jos Case ….. pp. 119-122
[10]S. G. Egwu, ‘Ethnicity
and Citizenship in Urban Nigeria: The Jos Case ….. pp. 255-256 see also NAK Jos
Prof, 2/9/394/1917
[11]NAK Jos Prof,
2/9/394/1917 S. G. Egwu, ‘Ethnicity and Citizenship in Urban Nigeria: The Jos
Case ….. P. 255 NAK Jos Prof, CHI/9/4/1917
[12]S. G. Egwu, ‘Ethnicity
and Citizenship in Urban Nigeria: The Jos Case ….. P. 255
[13]Abdulwahap Tijani, ‘The
Hausa Community in Agege, Nigeria 1906- 1967, Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.
17, No. 2, 2008, P. 175. Also see M.M. Gatawa, ‘The Role of Islam in the
Yoruba- Hausa Harmonious Relations in Southwestern Nigeria’ IIUC Studies, Vol.
12, 2015, P.115
[14]M. S. Abdulkadir, ‘Islam
in the Non- Muslim Areas of Northern Nigeria, C. 1600-1960’ llorin Journal
of Religious Studies, (IJOURELS)Vol.1, No. 1, 2011, P.12
[15]S. G. Egwu, ‘Ethnicity
and Citizenship in Urban Nigeria: The Jos Case ….. P. 260
[16]See Ukasha Mohammed 40
Years, Businessman, Jos, 12 January, 2022
[17]See J. Olaosebikan etal,
‘Hausa Migrant Settlers and their Involvement in the Trade and Service Sectors
of Ado-Ekiti Southwest Nigeria’, London, Journal of Research in Humanities and
Social Sciences, Vol.19. No.2, 2019, PP. 48-49
[18]Sani Muhammadu, 55
Years, Transporter, Jos, 12 January, 2022
[19]Abdulwahap Tijani, ‘The
Hausa Community in Agege, Nigeria 1906- 1967 P. 176
[20]Sani Muhammadu, 55
Years, Transporter, Jos, 12 January, 2022
[21]Umar Abdullahi, 39
Years, Trader, Jos, 15 January, 2022
[22]Adams Mohammed, 40Years,
Trader, Jos, 15 January, 2022
[23]Tijani Mohammed, 42
Years, Businessman, Jos, 20 January, 2022
[24]Adams Mohammed, 40Years,
Trader, Jos, 15 January, 2022
[25]See J. Olaosebikan etal,
‘Hausa Migrant Settlers and their Involvement in the Trade and Service Sectors
of Ado-Ekiti Southwest Nigeria .P. 52
[26]Adams Mohammed, 40Years,
Trader, Jos, 15 January, 2022
[27]A. U. Alkammawa, ‘The
Zabarma Entrepreneurs in Sokoto Metropolis, 1930-2000’ Sokoto Journal of
History (SJH), Vol. 1, September 2012, P.142
[28]Umar Abdullahi, 39
Years, Trader, Jos, 15 January 2022
[29]Umar Abdullahi, 39
Years, Trader, Jos, 15 January 2022
[30] For further information
on the concept of conflict consult the work of A. O Adeola ‘Jos Crises, Peace
Making and its Challenges During 2001-2010’ Asian Journal of Humanities and
Social Studies, Vol. 5, October 2017, PP. 333-334.
[31]Ibid. PP. 333-334. Also
See O. O. Okpeh, ‘Inter-Group Migrations, conflicts and Displacement in Central
Nigeria’ in T. Falola and O. Okpeh (eds.), Population Movements, Conflicts
and Displacements in Nigeria, Trenton, African World Press, 2008, PP. 19-69
[32]For Information on this
see for example A. Usman and A.A. Badmus, ‘The Undercurrent of Ethno-Religious
Conflicts in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges’ in I. O. Albert and O. N. Olarinde
(eds.), Trends and Tensions in Managing Conflicts, Ibadan, John Archers, 2010,
P.139. Also A. F. Usman, Z. S. Sambo and A. U. Alkammawa, ‘Inter-Group
Relations in Yauri Emirate’ in A. I. Yandaki, H. M. Maishanu and M. U. Bunza, Hausa
Presence in the Waters of the Niger: A History of Yauri Kingdom From 1411 up to
its Emirate Status, Zaria, Gaskiya Corporation, 2014, PP. 162
[33]A. F. Usman, Z. S. Sambo
and A. U. Alkammawa, ‘Inter-Group Relations in Yauri Emirate’…PP. 162-163
[34]U. H. D. Danfulani, The
Jos Peace Conference and Indigene/Settler Question in Nigeria Politics, P.
3
[35]U. H. D. Danfulani, The
Jos Peace Conference and Indigene/Settler Question in Nigeria Politics, P.
3
[36]A. O Adeola ‘Jos Crises,
Peace Making and its Challenges During 2001-2010’…….P. 336
[37]A. O Adeola ‘Jos Crises,
Peace Making and its Challenges During 2001-2010’ ……P. 337
[38]A. O Adeola ‘Jos Crises,
Peace Making and its Challenges During 2001-2010’…….PP…… 337-338
[39]Cited by S. O.
Abdulrahman and A. Abdulhafeez, ‘Economic Impacts of Ethnic Rivalry on Jos,
Plateau State 1994-2004’ The Nigerian Journal of Economic History, No.
13, 2015, PP. 154-155.
[40]S. O. Abdulrahman and A.
Abdulhafeez, ‘Economic Impacts of Ethnic Rivalry on Jos, Plateau State……p. 155
[41]See Mr. E. Marren, 58
Years, Farmer, Jos, 20th February 2022
[42]S. O. Abdulrahman and A.
Abdulhafeez, ‘Economic Impacts of Ethnic Rivalry on Jos, Plateau State….P. 157
[43]S. O. Abdulrahman and A.
Abdulhafeez, ‘Economic Impacts of Ethnic Rivalry on Jos, Plateau State…..P. 147
[44]L. Bonkat, ‘Survival
Strategies of Market Women and Violent Conflicts in Jos, Nigeria’ Journal of
Asia Pacific Studies, Vol. 3, No. 3, November 2014, P. 291.
[45]For detail see W. C.
Josiah, ‘Religious Crisis and Development in Nigeria’, The International
Journal of Humanities and Social Studies, Vol. 18, No. 10, October 2020, P.
319
[46]W. C. Josiah, ‘Religious
Crisis and Development in Nigeria’, The International Journal of Humanities
and Social Studies…….p. 319
[47]W. C. Josiah, ‘Religious
Crisis and Development in Nigeria’, The International Journal of Humanities
and Social Studies …….p. 319
[48]W. C. Josiah, ‘Religious
Crisis and Development in Nigeria’, The International Journal of Humanities
and Social Studies,…….p. 319
[49]O. Afolabi, Migration
and Citizenship Question in Nigeria: A Study of the Berom and Hausa/Fulani
Conflict in Jos’, African Journal of Political Science and International
Relations, Vol. 10, No. 2, February 2016, P. 14
[50] O. Afolabi, Migration
and Citizenship Question in Nigeria: A Study of the Berom and Hausa/Fulani
Conflict in Jos’…..p. 14.
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