Table of Contents
- Abstracts
- Introduction
- Terrorism
- Post Colonialism/Postcolonial Discourse:
- Boko Haram as a Terrorist Group
- Banditry, Kidnapping and Senseless Carnage as Forms of Terror.
- Othman’s Bloodstream in the Desert: A Clarion Call for Rescue
- Okpanachi’s Music of the Dead: A Call in Metaphor
- Conclusion
- Works Cited
Citation: Alhassan, A.S. & Hadiya, A.U. (2024). Form and Content of Poetry of Restive Regions: A Critique of Select Collection of Poems from the Boko Haram and Bandits’ Occupied Northern States. Dynamics in the 21st Century Hausa Prose Literature. Tasambo Journal of Language, Literature, and Culture, 3(1), 95-104. www.doi.org/10.36349/tjllc.2024.v03i01.011.
Form and Content of Poetry of Restive Regions: A Critique of Select Collection of Poems from the Boko Haram and Bandits’ Occupied Northern States
By
Aliyu Sambo Alhassan
asambo1010@gmail.com
08065454988
Department of English and Linguistics,
Federal University Dutse, Jigawa State
And
Amos Umar Hadiya
umardamos@gmail.com
08034846180
Department of Languages and Communication,
Federal Polytechnic Mubi, Adamawa State
Abstracts
Modern African poetry is characterized
by shifts in both its form and preoccupation. It began with a call for
self-governance in an amateurish language. Then came the Soyinkas (the
disillusioned poets), whose poems are crafted in a rather difficult style that
suggests colonial hang-ups. A major turnaround came in the 1980s when the
Osundares’, criticizing the Soyinkas for their untold difficulty, provided a
staple, known as the Alter-Native tradition. It seeks to address African
conditions using African allusions. They, unlike the largely Greco-Roman,
Euro-centric and Biblical form of the Soyinkas, provide an enative alternative.
Both Othman and Okpanachi, (then lecturers in the far North-Eastern Nigerian
University of Maiduguri) belong to the latter and they write amid the terrific
Boko Haram insurgency that threatened to extinct the region. This paper seeks
to uncover their style in exposing some of the most horrific acts of both the
Boko haram and the herdsmen’s unleashed terror on innocent souls. The paper,
harping on the postcolonial discourses of the Palestinian Said, Caribbean
Fanon, Indian Bhabha, and Nigerian Chinweizu, looks at the factors and motives
behind the assailants’ missions as presented in the collections. It shows how
they reveal the misgivings of the current African democracy as embedded in evil
acts. These Poets seem to unravel the brazen incompetency of the modern African
democratic governments, citing Nigeria as an example. The paper also offers a
critique of some other collections of poems from northern Nigerian authors.
From 1999 to the mid-2000, the region was ravaged by Boko Haram mayhem. And by
2015 to date, it has been faced with a series of terror activities that range
from banditry, and cattle rustling to kidnapping. The region is absolved in
fear of terror everywhere. Thus the paper also attempts to critique some of the
accounts contained in the poems.
Keywords
: Form, Content, Postcolonialism, Banditry, Boko Haram
Introduction
Thus, what Nigeria, especially northern Nigeria, and indeed
its neighbours are witnessing as terror-laden nations, is directly connected to
the brazen injustice of the various Governments on the subjects, (denying them
access to functional education and all sources and means of humane livelihood)
on one hand, and the suppression of the minority (ethnic groups) by the majority
on the other, and subsequently the misgivings of the colonial west, who
governed the areas in some of the most high-handed manners in human history. Kuna
(2003), in Muhammed (2010:05), provides that:
…the recurrent conflicts in northern Nigeria bring to a fore
the colonial legacy of the ‘relationship between these conflicts and the
reality of colonial domination.’ The foundation of the conflicts lies in the
‘centrality of the process of differentiation and ‘centralization; the two
major components of British ‘coloniality’. They divide territories in space and
culture, within and between colonized peoples and societies, to ease the problem
of their administration engineered on the basis of the ‘divide and rule’
definition; the result is a fragmentation of an otherwise unified group, into
boundaries, identities, that are spatial, cultural and symbolic, with
sociopolitical and legal implication. …what had taken place was in effect a
process of …’ othering’ which constituted the kernels of coloniality while
instituting an enduring source of conflicts that persist today.
Thus, one understands that the multitudes of conflicts and
restiveness that dominate Nigeria and other parts of the sub-Saharan African region
are directly connected to the violence committed on history, culture, religion
and political settings of the people occupying these territories. The British Colonialists
artificially amalgamated Northern Nigeria; (which was hitherto, predominantly Muslims
and Hausa speakers, and whose cultural, social, political and economic systems
were entirely alien to Southern Nigeria) with the Southern Christians, whose
languages and all other systems were completely alien to the North! Even within
the North, there were very pronounced and diverse differences, which were
suppressed by the colonial government and they created suspicion, contempt and
hate among the inhabitants. They used force and internal mechanics of control like
indirect rule to bring the hitherto, warring factions under one roof
(government). They compelled them into recognizing the new authority, thereby paving
the way for the majority ethnic groups to trample on the rights of the minority
ethnic groups! Thus, with time the minority rights became threatened by the
majority might. This essentially leads northern Nigeria, Nigeria as a whole and
indeed parts of the African sub-region into the very troubled situation they
find themselves in today.
The so-called independence gained from the colonial powers could
not proffer any solutions to the very glaring discontents lying all over the
colonized areas. Early enough, into the new self-governments all over the African
sub-region, protests arising from intra and inter-religious (mis) interpretations
and (mis)practices began to be recorded and protests against the dominations
and suppressions of the larger ethnic groups on the smaller ones in Northern
Nigeria was witnessed all over. An example is, that Islam came to Kanem Borno
some two to four hundred years before it arrived in the Hausa land. But the
colonial masters made the headquarters of the Danfodio caliphate superior in
rank to that of Kanem! Although they were all Muslims, the kanems were not
comfortable with this rob of history. It was a similar discontent that gave birth
to the famous United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) created by the minority ethnic
groups of the middle belt region against the then-largest northern political
party, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC). Even the Northern Elements
Progressive Union (NEPU), which was largely seen as a core Hausa people’s party
was created out of discontent based on intra-ideological differences.
Thus, the incessant and ever-escalating violence and terror
unleashed on the unsuspected citizens of the largely Northeastern Nigerian geopolitical
region and indeed, the long-standing feud bitterness, killing of each other and
brazen animosity between Fulani herders and farmers, kidnappings, abductions
and banditry being witnessed in all the other parts of Northern Nigeria are not
without historical antecedents and misgivings of the far and near past, arising
from records of injustice, unfairness and inequity.
Terrorism
In his text titled , The Terror of Terrorism (2016:05), Ezeugu attempts some definitions of the term, with a self-admission that, like most terms, terrorism has no single united definition. He nonetheless submits that from 1936 to 1981, there are not less than 109 various definitions of the term as provided by various committees and agencies of the United Nations and elsewhere. Ezeugu therefore defines it as “Wilful violence resulting in carnage and destruction of lives and properties’’. But Article 1(2) of the United Nation’s Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Terrorism of 1937 defines it thus:
In the present convention the expression ‘acts of terrorism’
means a criminal act directed against a state intended or calculated to create
a state of terror in the minds of particular persons, groups of persons or the
general politic.
Apart from the elaborate definition provided above, there is
the famous definition provided by the United Nations Security Council in 2004,
in its resolution 1566 (2004), which states:
Identified elements of a definition, referring to criminal
acts including and/or against civilians, committed with the intent to cause
death or serious bodily injury, or taking of hostage with the purpose to
provoke a state of terror in the general public or a group of persons or
particular persons, intimidate a population or compel a government or an
international organization to do or abstain from doing any act.
These few working definitions have proven among other things
that, the territories covered by the two collections of Othman and Okpanachi and
a few other authors, which are the Northeastern and some northern regions of
Nigerian cities and villages are seriously enmeshed in the act of terror. Thus
this paper intends to study the style and message(s) of the two collections as
they expose the acts of terrorism.
Post Colonialism/Postcolonial Discourse:
Postcolonial theory, Postcolonialism or Postcolonial study,
is essentially an amalgam of thoughts, views and opinions of the scholars and
critics of the formerly colonized societies or other scholars who venture to write
on the subject. These critics are classified into two broad groups following
their line of arguments on the impact and consequences of colonialism and the
way and manner these colonized societies would possibly escape from the
hang-ups of the elements and traces of the evil of colonialism or even what
could now the termed as imperialism. Gikwandi in Olaniyan and Quayson (2007, p.614)
provides that:
On one hand, there are those critics who would like postcolonial
theory to account for the
specific conditions
in which colonialism emerged and functioned and the role of decolonization as a
specific narrative of liberation…to them…the pitfall of postcolonial theory inheres
in its inability to periodize and historicise the colonial experience and to account
for the role of colonized subjects as active agents in the making of culture
and history…for them, postcolonial theory’s primary failure in its inability to
account for the history and process of decolonization.
The above groups are essentially concerned with those specificities
that led to what made the Orient be termed as such and delineate those steps
that could be followed in combating those ills and hang-ups left behind by the colonizers.
But the second group of postcolonial critics reject the claim
that theory represents the separation of culture and political economy, or that
the acts of reading that are informed by the shifting of theoretical notions of
hybridity and difference compellingly negate the categories of nation and
nationalism to post-colonialist scholars like Homi Bhabha post-structuralism
and or postmodernism is a very strong shield against “the prison-house” of European
humanism and the decolonized mind as a polity that is no more legitimate to
this age of globalization and migration. To Bhabha and his foot soldiers this
concept of post-colonialism, is:
rather than being ahistorical and apolitical, detached from
the concerns of the postcolonial subject, a postcolonial discourse informed by -post-structuralism
provides a powerful vista into the modern world system and its moment of crisis…
postcolonial criticism “bears witness to the unequal and uneven forces of
cultural and social authority within the modern world order.
Diverse as these two arguments on what constitutes a postcolonial
discourse may seem, their area of convergence is their agreement that postcolonial
discourse emerged within the larger institutions of European theory or theories
that evolved after structuralism. This union also raised further unsettled questions.
But as Bhabha would later provide a rather encapsulating definition of the concept
as “the language of theory merely another power ploy of the culturally privileged
Western elite to produce a discourse of the other that re-enforces its own
power- knowledge equation’’ The Location
of Culture, 1994:20-1). It is an attempt to come to terms with the nature
and implication of colonial modernity from the dual vantage position of
decolonization and migration. In a nutshell, this brief description of what
constitutes postcolonial discourse and its major concerns, coupled with Habib’s
(2011:272), submission provides the basis for considering post-colonialism as
the theoretical framework of this piece. He submits that:
…to cover all cultures affected by the imperial process,
from the moment of colonialism to the present day on account of continuity of
preoccupations between the colonial and postcolonial periods…to determine the
economic, political and cultural impact of colonialism on both the colonized
peoples and the colonizing powers; to analyze the process of decolonization;
and, above all, to participate in the goals of political liberation of forms of
domination and articulation of political and cultural identities.
Boko Haram as a Terrorist Group
Perhaps among the consequences of the colonial masters’
violent occupation of the then city-states and other ethnic settlements, the
forceful and artificial amalgamation of the hitherto independent and warren
communities (who shared nothing in common in culture, religion and languages)
together under one roof – authority – and/or government, is the sad emergence
of dissenting voices, protests and revolts. Nigeria and more particularly,
northern Nigeria is one of such victims of forceful Europeans’ marriage of
convenience.
Although both the historic Sokoto Caliphate and the Kanem
Bornu Empire were predominantly Muslims, there has been a long-standing
political standoff and other sentiments that never allowed for peaceful
coexistence between them. Among them were ethnic entities that were not Muslims
and were not peaceful neighbours either. These resentments coupled with an
initial outright rejection by the natives, of the Greco-Roman and Indo-Christian
European system, the European colonial masters left behind hibernated
disenchantments that were waiting to germinate. At independence, the native
rulers only watered the ground for the revolts to germinate into a full-blown
crisis.
Thus, even during the colonial era, conflicts between the
Tijjaniyya and Qadiriyya Sufi sects were on the ground. The Almajiri (male Muslim
children, youths and adults) who leave their homes, villages and towns to far
places in search of the Qur’anic and other Islamic knowledge) also had their
discontent with the European/Christian system. Therefore little wonder that the
Maitatsine saga that began in the middle of the 1970s culminated into a full-blown
security challenge of the new Nigeria state then. The Maitatsine was calling
for the replacement of the Western system in its entirety, with the Islamic
system. The Nigerian military engaged in the movement in Bulunkutu, ‘Yan Awaki, and Jeka-Da-Fari
of Maiduguri, Kano and Gombe respectively in the early 1980s.
As if that was over, soon in the late 1990s, northern
Nigeria was confronted with yet another religious and ethnic uprising. There
was, from the late 1980s to the early 1990s series of religious and ethnic crises
in the north that almost engulfed the whole of Nigeria. The Kafanchan (1986), the Zangon Kataf (1990), the Numan/Tinno Tafawa Balewa and Bauchi
(1992), the Kano Bonke (1992) and many more religious and ethnic crises were
witnessed.
Boko Haram, loosely defined as ‘Western education is unlawful’,
and properly and formerly named ‘Jama’atu
Ahlussunna Lidda’awati Wal Jihad’, emerged in the late 1990s to the early
2000s. Like the Maitatsine, they also preached against modernism and all Western
civilizations, thoughts and ways of living. Initially, they attacked the
Nigerian government by killing the police and all other security agents. They
attacked police stations and Commands killing all the inhabitants, by either
bombing them or setting them ablaze. The military, the immigration, the
Nigerian customs and the Prison services barracks and offices were also not
spared. During that period and owing to the deep-rooted hate and resentment of
the governments at all levels, the inhabitants hailed and praised Boko Haram
for those cruelties. In a major combat with the military in Maiduguri in 2009,
the headquarters of Borno state, the group’s leader was captured alive by the
military but the police executed him along with many of his followers after
they were handed over to the police hale and herty extra judicially. This act
was to spark and ignite a major resistance that forced the remaining members of
the group to go underground and regroup to fight a guerilla war on the whole of
Nigeria.
They bomb mosques, churches, markets, banks and gatherings
of people at weddings and other social gatherings. They kidnap unsuspecting
villagers, farmers, fishermen, herders, businessmen and women, rich people, school
girls and boys. They spread to places like Damaturu, Gashuwa, Buni Yadi, Nguru,
and other cities and villages in Yobe state; Madagali, Gombi, Song, Hong, Mubi
and Yola in Adamawa state. They ravaged Azare, Misau, Alkaleri and Bauchi town
in Bauchi state. They were in Bajoga, Ashaka, Dadin Kowa and Gombe in Gombe
state. The group was able to kill the emir of Goza, a first-class emir, and
shut down Bama city, the second biggest city after Maiduguri, in Borno state. Boko
Haram extended to some parts of Kaduna and Katsina states and bombed the Nyanya
garage, Wuse market, police headquarters, United Nations office and other
places in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital.
Within a space of a very short period, Boko Haram was a household
name in Northern Nigeria and Nigeria as a whole. It claimed responsibility for
the assassination of some famous Islamic scholars (Albani in Zaria, Ja’afar
Mahmoud Adam in Kano etc.). They kidnapped secondary school girls in Chibok and
Dapchi in Borno and Yobe states respectively. They killed secondary school boys
in Buni–Yadi in Yobe state, and at a point, schools were compelled to vacate
indefinitely in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states. They captured 17 out of the 27
local government areas of Borno state. Time and space will not permit a
detailed account of the Boko Haram terror in the north. It is to this terror
that the two collections dedicated their verses. Thus, the paper essentially
offers an exposition of the devices used and messages of Othman’s Bloodstream in the Desert (2014) and
Okpanachi’s Music of the Dead (2018).
Banditry, Kidnapping and Senseless Carnage as Forms of Terror.
By the dawn of 2015, Nigeria and especially Zamfara, Niger,
Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto, Kebbi, Nasarawa, Plateau, Benue and the FCT witnessed
heavy and terrible cases of kidnapping of schools children, and university
students in boarding schools. In the cities and on the highways, road users are
stopped and taken to the bushes en-mass. There are reports of bandits in their
hundreds on motorbikes visiting villages only to set the whole village on fire,
killing the men and taking hundreds of women as captives. In other instances,
they cordon off a town’s Central Juma; at a mosque or market and open fire in a
killing spree. Most often they spend hours without any security men attacking
or counter-attacking them. They issue threats and levy villages and towns and
give datelines to pay certain amounts or they will be attacked and these
threats are carted out unchallenged.
People in the affected areas have to abandon their weekly
markets and their farming. Herds of livestock are rustled in their hundreds and
are whisked away forever. Girl students of the secondary school of Yawuri in Kebbi
state and some in Niger and Kaduna have been in the custody of kidnappers to
date. At some times, prisons or correctional centres were broken in Abuja and
other places and inmates were freed. As if reaching the pick, the convoy of Mr
President and CinC was attacked. It is just so scandalous, and poets capture
some of the most awful scenes.
Othman’s Bloodstream in the Desert: A Clarion Call for Rescue
Othman has three collections to his credit apart from
individual poems that were published both locally and internationally. The Palm of Time (2002), The Passion of Cupid (2008) and his
latest Bloodstream in the Desert (2014).
Even from the title of the collection, the word blood
is written in red ink, followed immediately by flowing streams in the desert suggesting, among
other things, a clarion call, an announcement of a sort, a kind of yelling and
yearning for external help to save a people in despair, a people that are at
the brink of the precipice. It tries to tell the world that Borno state which
is largely dominated by desert that is dry and sandy is, yet bedeviled with war
of terror. The desertification has caught up with the larger part of the northeast
geographical zone of Nigeria. Borno, Yobe and Adamawa are the worst hit. The
area Kanem Bornu was known for its fame in the traditional Islamic scholarship.
It was equally known for its hospitality and accommodation. The major ethnic
group, the Kanuri (Barebari) were known for Qur’anic memorization. Suddenly the
uprising of Boko Haram ravaged the long-standing peace, and it gave way to
despair and terror. Fear caught up everywhere. The once vibrant city of the
famous and very big Monday market turned into a mournful graveyard. Substantial
parts of the important cities in the northeast were deserted. The great city of
Baga known for its fishing business
that feeds the whole north and elsewhere, suddenly turned into a shell of its
former self. It is now a place ravaged by war. Before long, the northeast has
been declared a war zone.
The citizens of these terror-occupied territories got themselves
into a double jeopardy, a quagmire of a sort. They would get killed, maimed and
massacred by the insurgents after which those who narrowly survived the
carnages would be subjected to yet a greater terror by the government’s
security agencies – the police and the army. This ambivalence and confusion are
aptly captured in two of the poems in Otman’s collection thus;
‘’Doomsday in Maiduguri’ (Sept. 10th 2012).
The poet's persona reveals in greater detail what is
happening to the inhabitants of the ancient city.
Such a dreadful
day
We woke up to
That day, brother
When bomb-blast
flung us
Out of our beds
And the ensuing
gunshots
And shrill shrieks
of children
Lit the fireplace
for breakfast
Wisps of crimson
smoke
Mixed with grey
dust
From crumbling
buildings
Formed a smoggy
shield
Over the
smouldering city
Barring it from
the glint
Of God’s compassionate
eye
The smog whirls up
the air
Gracefully be
menacingly
Not like smokes
from fire place at dawn
But like cumulus
cloud just before rain
And such a heavy
rain, that day brother,
Torrents of
bullets drenched the city
Flooding the streets
in cold blood
Early traders to
the markets
Returned home
soaked in blood
Punctual children
to school
Fled back home in
disarray
Missing their ways
in pools of blood
Mothers defying
the deluge
Waded through the
bloodstream
In search of the
children
Men in search of
them,
Rushed mettlesome
Into barricades of
bullets
Such was the day,
that day brother
We all woke up to
When a blast tore
us out of bed
And the soldiers
shot out their tents
In mad pursuit of the blast
(60-1)
The above stanzas aptly and vividly describe the nature and
the degree of wanton destruction of lives and properties by the assailant Boko
Haram members. More so, they expose the innocence and confusion of the victims.
It was an attack at Dawn! And as if that was not enough, immediately the dust
of the aftermath began to die down, and the security agents – the police and
the army- who were meant to repel the attack came with a fresh pandemonium. Thus,
while the poet's persona describes the extent of despair, he is making a call
to external hands to be aware of their responsibility to help out. The
following stanzas of another poem in the collection further elaborate on the
disenchantment and hopelessness of the inhabitants of the terror-occupied
territories.
“After the blast”
After the blast
Came the carnage
Barricades of
bullets blocked
All exits and
entrances
200 meters round
the scene of blast
Locked up stores and superstores
Went up in flames
Lighting the way into
The dark dwellings at dawn
Gunshots
And wailing sirens
Compete with
Frightful screams
Of slumbering soul
Smoldering in their slumber
Fleeing corpses
Chased by billets
Float in their
blood
Fated faithful
In their genuflect
Slouched in
silence
Without salaam
Drenched in their
own blood
Helpless children
and
Frightful women
Corked up in the
quagmire
Became faggots for
the gunfires
Devouring the town.
After the blast,
then
Came His
Excellency
The politician and
The chief
executhief
Of the state,
With garlands of
blood
Around his neck,
Walking stately
Through the
carnage
Charred remains of
Bones and skulls
scrunched
Under his majestic
steps
But his
blood-blurred eyes
Saw no casualties
around
“Wallahi I saw no
corpses here”
Only the blasted
remains
Of the soldier
Wrapped in his
camouflage
Caught his
attention and action
Placing the life
of the dead soldier
Above the lives of
citizens
Slaughtered after the blast
This is an in-depth description of a quagmire. The citizens,
the electorates are trapped amid the Boko Haram senseless killers and the pogrom
of the security agents. The military would, after an attack on public places, initiate
a shoot-at-sight and a house-to-house search claiming that the innocent and
terrified citizens are harbouring the infidels and therefore they would then be
subjected to all forms of maltreatment, killings and rape all in the name of
searching for the fleeing Boko Haram attackers. There are mounted roadblocks
and barricades, motorists and unsuspected fleeing passengers must be subjected
to four to eight hours of hold-ups and are being extorted by the army on duty
at the roadblocks. There are reported cases of attacks by both Boko Haram and
the military on the internally displaced people’s camps, not to mention reported
cases of defilement and sexual abuse and rape all in the IDP camps.
Othman’s collection of 43 poems expresses in more ways than
one how the reign of terror overwhelmed the inhabitants of northeastern Nigeria.
In some places, he established the insincerity of the government and its security
agencies in their commitment to curb the menace of terror. For instance, in his
poem titled ‘Who are they’, the poet persona describes the police as in times
of crises, they always face the people not to protect but to confront/ their
backs are always on the authorities not in defiance but in defence/. This
suggests that the security is never to secure the poor but the people in authority.
The poet's persona also indicts the leadership by accusing it of betrayal. In
his ‘A Breath of fresh blood’, he submits that the masses “… Gave him our
ballots/ He paid us with bullets/ Our polling units his shelling units/ Giving
us a fresh breath of blood/ From the butchery of the electorates/ In the blood-soaked
sands of the desert. The poet persona further asks a rhetorical question, when
it becomes obvious that only the slums and the poor settlements and villages
are attacked by these terrorists, “Is poverty a sin” You carried your guns into
the hovel of the hoi polio/ Killing the living dead in their squalor, accusing
them of sinful life/Must we all live in the greedy residents’ area/ Where
opulence is not a sin/ Where your guns do not go to disturb the residents in
their rests? It is rather overwhelming and alarming to discover that the poor
and barefoot who hardly secure a meal in a day are the worst hit. In the poem
‘Yerwa’, the poet persona describes vividly how the poor’s settlement is a
target of incessant inhuman and wanton attacks; Eerie sounds of wailing,
screaming/ And dispersing of the restless dead/ Seeking justice for their live/
Substitute for the hitherto/ Hilarious sounds and rhythms/ Of the metropolis of
peace/ Now a necropolis of restless dead.
The above and more poems embellished the degree and contour
of terror unleashed on innocent citizens by insurgents that are believed to
have been created by the government, either by its failure to do the needful or
in trying to hide its glaring failure or by the government’s insensitivity to
the plight of the governed, and worst still, its security agencies that are meant
to protect the citizens, are found to unleash terror on them.
Every critic of this collection cannot but capture the
extreme fear and excessive scare of terror expressed by the poet. Up to the end
of these poems, no mention of Boko Haram by name, it is rather mentioned in
personal pronouns and other references. There is also so much use of
personifications, similes, metaphors and other literary terms, perhaps not only
for beauty and aesthetics but also for the ardent need to save his neck from
the overzealous knife of the killers and their merciless stray bullets, the
truth be kept safely in the hidden play of language and literary exploits.
Okpanachi’s Music of the Dead: A Call in Metaphor
Dr. Idris Musa Okpanachi is, like Abubakar Othman, an
academic from the early 1980s to 2013. He had to flee the terror territory
along with his family. Many of his colleagues did the same. The University of
Maiduguri, Yobe State University, Damaturu, Modibbo Adama University of Technology
Yola, Adamawa State University, Mubi are witnessing unprecedented brain
drain. Academics are forced to flee for their lives, to safer places. Many have
changed from academics to another profession. This is because there are reports
of terror attacks inside the universities and some academics were kidnapped,
while some lost their lives to the glory of these terror attacks.
And like Othman’s Blood
Streams in the Desert, Okpanachi’s Music
of the Dead is equally an interesting craft and play of words to express
the angsts and troubles of the inhabitants of the terror-afflicted areas and it
also describes the level of neglect and abandonment of their governments, the
leaders that are voted to protect lives and properties and to guarantee
security.
Okapanachi’s Music of
the Dead has a total of over forty poems and they are largely innate
descriptions of the excruciating terror the poet and the persona witnessed in
the area where he lived for a better part of his youthful age. Most of the
titles of the individual poems bear the names of domestic and wild animals.
Perhaps that has to be, to hide himself from the aggression of the killers!
Hence the need for titles like ‘Dogs and Angels’ I, II and III, ‘The Gazelle’,
‘Scoundrels’, ‘Spider’, ‘The Sharks’, ‘The Black Flower’ and many more.
The title of the collection must have been stolen from the
poem ‘Dogs and Angels I’, where the persona urges the terrorists to:
Bathe your brows with tears
Spatter the wall with my blood
As mural count pointing
You repaint people
With acid to cleanse them
Playing the game of butchers
To give them new complexion
The peace mongers
Play lutes with toys of war
Making Music of the Dead
To frighten even the undertakers
The silent nemesis
Has delivered swords
To blind executioner
Of pilate’s mob
A male child must perish
Rivers must run blood
Vermin must take over the land
So pharaoh must be born
Pharaoh must be born again
To extinguish rights and minds
To beautify people with blood
On gallows of love.
In the poem ‘Democracy of Cemetery’, the poet persona
presents the story of how a child dies from a gunshot one morning and clad the
story with the wishes and will of the child for us to note:
A child dies this morning
From gunshot wound
The bullet(ing) comes from
The council dog
He asks the poet
If I die turn my blood to ink
Plant a fig on my grave
One day the fig would
Become a pen and the ink
Would write the tale in musk
On the last page of your diary
One-day mom would come
In search of firewood
Only to find a bone wondering
Where it comes from
There is no shroud
The earth has disappeared
From under my feet
My life is stolen from the pall
As I travel on bleeding rocks
And broken casseroles
Bless the undertaker
Adam’s soul was unwilling
To enter the clay so Allah
Commanded it to enter unwillingly
And come out unwillingly.
In the foregoing, the police and other security agencies are
referred to as the local council dog. And like Othman, Okpanachi also has every
reason to blame the government fully for all that is befalling the citizens. It
is a seriously disturbing and helpless situation. But the persona is hopeful
that these terrors must not be here for eternity. One day, things would be
history, one day the nostalgic past would resurrect and capture the future. One
day peace shall reign.
Conclusion
Both the form and ideology or theme(s) of the two
collections capture, in the most glaring of all terms, the extent of the
senseless and human acts of the terrorists and the heartlessness of the
government and its agents. Having successfully and succinctly exposed the
undertones and the hidden reasons for the terror, which are neglect,
corruption, abject poverty, squalor and above all ignorance at a grand scale.
They showcase to all critics the need to appreciate that both the act of terror
of Boko Haram and that of the security agents are the handiwork of the
government.
Finally, as Abdu (2018), would conclude, these poets have
suggested among other things, that the degree and sophistication of the attacks
which caused blood streams and music of the death in our lands have some political
machinations beyond the alleged culprits. The terror is a consequence of an
injustice planted somewhere in the past and that has become a threat to justice
everywhere.
As such, the collections:
…at once a mirror and a lamp held up to reflect and also
illuminate the traumatized northern Nigerian society. The volumes’ spatio-temporal
relevance attests to a couple of dicta long credited to literary critical
gendarmes. Theirs are thus, proverbial ‘voices of vision’ and they are
barometers which read and follow the northern Nigerian society and life. The
lines capture and express the society’s pulse that speaks of the trembling
forages of members of the Book Haram group and the deprived and disgruntled
Fulani herdsmen… any crafted piece that fails to apprehend and capture the twin
sources of societal turmoil in the north will be the work of the hypothesized
owner of the burning house in Achebe’s Fable, Who, instead of helping his
neighbours to put out the fire in his house. Indeed Nigeria as a whole is on
fire, and its resident writers, even diaspora authors, are expected to respond
and offer a creative and refracted perspective for putting down, living with or
containing the inferno. (2014:09).
Thus, the post-colonial and postmodernist African poets have
a new challenge confronting them. This is the brazen reality that terror and
scare have engulfed the whole of Africa and they must leave no stone unturned
in exposing this new trend that threatens to eat up the whole of Africa. Once
again, it is a moral responsibility that a postcolonial African writer anywhere
in the world, and fact all scholars of conscience, must pay their utmost
attention to.
Works Cited
Amali, I. (
2020
). Tears of Desert War. Ibadan, Crafrgriots.
Okpanachi
, M. I (2008), Music of the Dead. Lagos, Parresia Publishers.
Othman, O. (2014), Blood Streams in the Desert. Ibadan, Kraft Books Limited.
Secondary Reading
Abba,
S. (2003), Poet of the Peoples’ Republic:
Reading the Poetry of Niyi Osundare. Kano, Benchmark Publishers Limited.
Achebe,
C. (1983), The Trouble with Nigeria.
London, Heinemann.
Chinweizu,
(1987), The West and the Rest of Us.
Lagos, NOIC Publishers (Nig.) Limited.
Alhassan,
A.S (2016) “Ideology and Form in the Poetry of Abubakar Gimba and Idris Amali:
A Comparative Discourse. In Sule E.E (2016), Lapai Research in Humanities. Markodi, Sevhage publishers Vol. 3
no. 2, pp 189-204.
Egya,
E.E (2007), In their voices and Visions: Conversation
with New Nigerian Writers. Lagos, Apex Books limited.
Ezeugo,
I, N (2016), The Terror of Terrorism.
Ibadan, Scripture Union (Nig.) Press and Books Limited.
Galadima,
H. and Aluaigba, M.T (eds.) (2015),
Insurgency and Human Rights in Nothern Nigeria. Kano, CITAD.
Gikandi,
S. (2007), Postsructuralism and Postcolonial Discourse. In Olanujan, T. and
Quayson, A. (eds.) (2007), African Literature:
An Anthology of Criticism and Theory. Malden-USA, Blackwell Publishing.
Goring,
P. et al, (2014), Studying Literature. London, Bloomsbury
Academic.
Habib,
M.A.R (2011), Literary Criticism from
Plato to the Present: An Introduction. UK, Blackwell Publishing.
Ibrahim,
J. et al (eds.) (2017), Understanding
Community Resilience in the Context of Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria.
Kano, CITAD.
Muhammed,
A. (2010), The Paradox of Boko Haram.
Kaduna, Moving Image Limited.
Na’allah,
A. (ed.) (2003), The People’s Poet:
Emerging Perspectives on Niyi Osundare. Ibadan, Africa World Press.
Olaniyan,
T. and Quayson, A. (eds.) (2007), African
Literature: An Anthology of Criticism and Theory. Malden-U.S.A, Blackwell Publishing.
No comments:
Post a Comment
ENGLISH: You are warmly invited to share your comments or ask questions regarding this post or related topics of interest. Your feedback serves as evidence of your appreciation for our hard work and ongoing efforts to sustain this extensive and informative blog. We value your input and engagement.
HAUSA: Kuna iya rubuto mana tsokaci ko tambayoyi a ƙasa. Tsokacinku game da abubuwan da muke ɗorawa shi zai tabbatar mana cewa mutane suna amfana da wannan ƙoƙari da muke yi na tattaro muku ɗimbin ilimummuka a wannan kafar intanet.