Citation: Aminu, T. & Ibrahim, A. (2024). Orality in Song and the Advancement of Traditional History: The Experiences of Saidu Faru. Four Decades of Hausa Royal Songs: Proceedings from the International Conference on the Life and Songs of MakaÉ—a Sa'idu Faru, 3(3), 454-461. www.doi.org/10.36349/tjllc.2024.v03i03.063.
Orality in Song and the Advancement of Traditional History:
The Experiences of Saidu Faru
By
Taofiki Aminu, PhD & Mal. Ahmed Ibrahim
Department of History and International Studies
Federal University, Gusau, Zamfara State
Correspondence Email: taofik.aminu1@gmail.com
Mobile Phone: 08034158418
Abstract
Since antiquity, orality has been the only genre through
which thoughts and ideas are commuted and disseminated by heart, either as
songs or traditional historical antecedents to the nascent and generation
unborn. It is usually in the form of traditional history by which information is
collected, commuted and disseminated in song form through the mouth. Albeit, songs
of variegated types have tremendously been instrumental to a plethora of
transformations evident in all human global societies. This is a similitude of
the invaluable multivariate songs sung by Mal. Saidu Faru- an African iconic
song composer from Faru village in Talata Mafara in the present Zamfara State,
Nigeria. Historically, some of his songs to some extent have indelibly
contributed positively to the remoulding and repositioning of human life,
psyche, and characters, and especially in strengthening, the governance,
religion (Islam), cultural heritage and political advancement of northern
Nigeria society. The nature of philosophical songs soothes the human mind, bringing
solace and redirection of hopes through religious proclivity that has
culminated in the serene ambience that makes Mal. Saidu Faru songs were
indispensable. Based on the foregoing prism, the paper adopted the historical
paradigm of data collection (primary and secondary sources) and equally used qualitative
content analysis for interpretation. The paper recommended that Mal. Saidu Faru
songs should be listened to, especially to derive the invaluable benefits in
remoulding human character, repositioning societal malaises toward the creation
of peace, and harmonious relations, as quintessential to good governance in
Nigerian society.
Keywords: Orality,
Song, Traditional History, Advancement, Saidu Faru
Introduction
The thrust of this paper is an interrogation and discourse
on the quintessential of Mal. Saidu Faru, is an icon in the African musical
industry that adopted and utilised the synthesis of oral tradition and oral
history in composing songs. Being an African iconic song composer from the village
of Faru, Talata Mafara, in the present Zamfara State, Nigeria, he was
conventionally cognomen as Dan Umma Rungumi and Dan Tumba Rungumi.[1]
Besides, he bolstered considerable influence in singing for Sarakuna
(royal kings) as well as their consanguinity relations using the Kotso [2](drum).
Thoughts and inspirations of his songs were essentially driven and reinforced by
extant variegated wild animals within his socio-cultural milieu, from which metaphorically
derived and relayed cognomen of encomium for northern Nigeria kings. It is
worthy of note that the philosophical profundity of his musical thoughts and
inspirations saturated the entire nation, but predominantly in northern
Nigeria. Therefore, evidence of the use of orality by Mal. Saidu Faru seems to
depict the cultural ingredient morphed for the number of songs composed,
especially by using traditional history and the glorious Qur’anic exegesis[3]
to bolster song expression.
However, from antiquity, orality has been the only genre
through which thoughts and ideas are commuted and disseminated by heart, either
as songs or to relay traditional historical antecedents to the nascent and
generation unborn. It is therefore interesting to construe that cultural
historians have delved more and more into prehistory, that is, human existence
before writing made verbalised records possible.[4]
Some of these are ubiquitously in the form of traditional history by which
information is collected, commuted and disseminated in song form. By and large,
the variegated songs and music have tremendously been instrumental to the plethora
of transformations evident in all human global societies. Instructively, the
foregoing rhetoric is a similitude of the invaluable multivariate songs sung by
Mal. Saidu Faru poised and necessitated the conduct of an invaluable
exploration of ‘Orality in Song and the Advancement of Traditional History: The
Experiences of Saidu Faru’. Historically, the pertinence of his songs to some
extent has indelibly contributed positively to the remoulding and repositioning
of human life, psyche, and characters, and especially in strengthening,
governance, religion (Islam), cultural heritage and political advancement of
northern Nigerian society. Most fundamentally, the nature of his philosophical songs
soothes the human mind, bringing solace and redirection of hopes through
religious proclivity that has culminated in a serene ambience which makes Mal.
Saidu Faru songs were indispensable.
Arising from the above prism, the paper is bifurcated into
six sub-themes each distinctly discussed to make the phenomenon a holistic
study. Apart from the introduction which set out the general overview of the
paper, the second part demystified the concepts of orality, song and
traditional history, while the third segment explored the birth and
evolutionary development of Mal. Saidu Faru songs’ icon. The fourth phase
extrapolated orality in selected songs and the advancement of traditional
history: Mal. Saidu Faru experiences and philosophy, while the fifth part
examined criticism of Mal. Saidu Faru’s songs, while the sixth is a criticism of
Mal. Saidu Faru. The last part dwelled on the concluding remarks and
references.
Periscopic Discourses on Orality, Song and Traditional
History
This segment of the paper periscope discourses on orality,
song and traditional history as conceptual phenomena interlaced to spawn quite many
facts on which the entire gamut of analysis will hinge. There is no acceptable
or definite conceptual exposition(s) regarding the meaning of orality, hence
the acceptance of the multivariate analysis and interpretations as provided by a
plethora of scholars. In this connection, Historically, orality is an ancient
phenomenon that continues to the present, and thus, the study of orality is
closely allied to the study of oral tradition. According to Sheikh[5]
orality is a thought and verbal expression in societies where the technologies
of literacy are unfamiliar to most of the population. Interpretatively, it is a
communicative basis in speech rather than writing, often descriptive of oral
cultures and contrasted with literacy. In other words, orality refers to
reliance upon the spoken, rather than written, word for communication.[6]
Arising from the foregoing, since orality essentially deals with word of mouth
or verbal dissemination of information by various genres such as chant, song
and cognomen among varied ways. Albeit, comprehension of orality could be expressed
in oral tradition and oral history as compared by Jan Vasina cited in Pamphile Mabiala Mantuba-Ngoma.[7]
By this analysis, oral tradition and oral history are scion of orality (oral) and
they are highly indispensable in the discourse of orality in whatever
perspectives it may be deciphered.
In the words of Jan Vansina[8]
oral tradition is all about verbal testimonies which are reported statements
from the past beyond the present generation. The message must be oral
statements, spoken, sung, or called out on musical instruments only. He
reiterated that not all oral sources are oral traditions, but only those which
are statements – sources - which have been transmitted from one person to
another through the medium of language. Again, Paul Thompson[9]
contends that oral history is a history built around people. It thrusts life
into history itself widens its scope and allows heroes not just from the
leaders, but forms the unknown majority of the people. It brings history into
and out of the community and also helps the less privileged especially the old,
towards dignity and self-confidence. It makes for contact and thence creates understanding
between social classes and between generations. And to individual historians
and others, with shared meaning it can give a sense of belonging to a place or
in time. Equally, oral history offers a challenge to the accepted myths of
history, and the authoritarian judgement inherent in its tradition. Hence, it
provides the means for a radical transformation of the social meaning of
history. Therefore, as far as this paper is concerned, orality could be best
described as the thoughts and sense of judgement by reminiscing on the past for
reconstruction of the past and present. It is very subtle and complex to
conceptualise traditional history without a prior understanding of history. Based
on that, Carr[10] extolled
history as a continuous process of interaction between the historian and his
facts, an unending dialogue between the present and the past. In a broad
sense,…
“History
is the memory of human group experience. If it is forgotten or ignored, we
cease in that measure to be humane. Without history, we do not know who we are
or how we came to be, like victims of collective amnesia groping in the dark
for our identity. It is the events recorded in history that have generated all
the emotions, values, the ideals, that make life meaningful, that have given
men something to live for, struggle over, and die for. Historical events have
created all the basic human groupings-countries, religions, classes all the
loyalties that are attached to these.”[11]
A song is usually demystified as a set of words or short
poems meant to be sung and set to a certain type of music. Songs consist of
many different lyrics, verses, refrain, and meter. Lyrics are a group of words
that make up a song and are usually broken up into verses or stanzas. Brauer[14]
expressed song as the vocal and musical expression in composition and practice,
incorporating elements such as pitch rhymes, repetition, and language.
Furthermore, song is inseparable from emotion and the performing body. As a
complex expressive practice, song leverages the physical and imaginative
capacities of individuals and communities for diverse purposes.
Birth and Evolutionary Development of Mal. Saidu Faru: A
Song Icon
Alhaji or Mal. Saidu Faru was born in c.1932 in
the village of Faru in Maradun in the present Talata Mafara Local Government
Area of Zamfara State. Structurally, he was of a moderate height, dark in
complexion, traditionally barbed his hair to skin, and as well trimmed his
moustache and bears,[15]
but usually turbaned himself. His father, the late Abubakar Dan-Abdu was the
son of Alu Mai-Kurya the precursor of the family traditional musician and song
in Faru town. The mother of Mal. Saidu Faru equally hailed from Banga village
in Kaura Namoda but was reported to have spent her entire life in Faru up to
her demise. Due to Mal. Saidu Faru had strong affection, and effulgence in the
family, he was thusly cognomen as Dan Umma, an appellation consensually given
by his father’s wives. Albeit, it was repugnant to the traditional custom and cultural
belief of the family to address or call him by his Muslim name. It should be
noted that the nickname did not gain wider acceptance and preeminence among the
folks and people of his community. He invariably eulogises himself as Dan
Umma; Dan Tumba Rugunmi,[16]
a cognomen which is variously reflected in a number of his songs. He spent his
early childhood age in his mother’s town at Banga in Kaura Namoda, while at the
age of ten (10), he returned to his father- Abubakar Faru from where he usually
accompanied his father to musical concerts.
It is quintessential to note that Mal. Saidu Faru like many
other palace singers inherited the act and technique of singing from his
father, though his late grandfather Alu Mai-Kurya nature of song and music centred
holistically around war tunes. This was possible because his grandfather's
period coincided with the variegated internecine wars in Hausaland in the 19th
century. In the manifestation of the extent of his late father’s song and
musical pattern during the inter-war periods, he was conventionally cognomen as
‘Kurya gangar mutuwa’ (Kurya the drummer of death). Having been blessed
with the ingenuous knowledge and wisdom of singing, he melodiously composed
songs with an amiable voice to the admiration of his listeners and lovers. He
was eventually mentored by his late father, a factor that stimulated his
volition for a career in singing which he convincingly built. When he commenced
his independent song at the age of sixteen, he was usually accompanied by his
younger brother- Muazu Dangaladima who assisted him in many ways. However,
because of his intrepidity, his debut song was sung for Sarki Yamma Faru
Ibrahim and gained preeminence. With this widespread and overwhelming
acceptance, he became immersed extensively in singing for kings and district
heads up to when he met the Sarki Kudu Muhammadu Maccido, -the son of Sarki
Musulmi Abubakar. He created a formidable aesthetic continuum with Sakin
Muhammadu Maccido when he was appointed as Sarki Gabas Talata Mafara, an act he
upheld for many years. As noted, Mal. Saidu Faru had composed many songs using
the kotso- drum eulogizing kings, district heads, and royal
consanguinity relations. Some of these traditional rulers included; Sarki
Yamman Faru Ibrahim, Sarki Yakin Banga Sale da Abubakar, Sarki Kiyawa Abubakar
Kaura-Namoda, Sarki Gabas Na Mafara Muhammadu, Sarki Musulmi Abubakar III,
Sarki Yauri Alhaji Muhammadu Tukur, Sarki Sudan Na Wurno Alhaji Shehu, Sarki
Kano Ado Bayero, Turakin Kano Ahmadu, and Sarkin Kudu Muhammadu Maccido among
others. It should be noted that Mal. Saidu Faru is naturally oriented to different
royal songs and accompanied by a melodious coterie of singers as members of his
musical group, while he leads, they are followed by the chorus.
Orality in Select Songs and the Advancement of Traditional
History: Mal. Saidu Faru Experiences and Philosophy
Without being pontificated, orality has been the major matrix
and genre of information dissemination in many ways, especially in the
construct of the traditional history of royalty in song as manifested in this
study. It has ubiquitously gained ascendancy and acceptance in different environments,
used in relaying and recounting the past and in reconstruction of the present
situation as deployed by Mal. Saidu Faru in the numbers of his songs. In the
instance of attending the musical concert of a traditional ruler, he untrammelled
rehearsed the song to be composed, and he had never repeated any song sung for
any king irrespective of the nature of the concert. As he became famous in
songs, he generally referred to himself as ‘Malamin waka’ (teacher of
song). However, the section of the paper explored and analysed three (3) out of
Mal. Saidu Faru’s numerous songs composed for kings, comprise; Waka Sarki Faru
Ibrahim, Sarkin Gabas Muhammadu Maccido (while in Talata Mafara), and where he
(Mal. Saidu Faru) eulogises himself. The spirited ideas and principles were ensconced
and demonstrated in the maiden phase of his first song composed for Sarki
Yamman Faru Ibrahim indicated in the below three stanzas;
Bi da maza Dan Jodi na Iro,
Iro
magajin Shehu da Bello.
Hasken
hitila bad ai da wata ba,
Tauraro
haskenka subahin,
Dawaya
kora dimau na Wakili,
Uban
Sarkin zagi Bello na Yari.
Ruwa da dibgau na Magaji
Sai tsohon wawa ka shigarsu.
Deriving from the foregoing quoted stanzas of his first
debut composed for a king, the first stanza eulogises the personality of Dan
Jodi the son of Iro, followed by tracing the historical lineage of the family,
invariably connecting it to Iro as the inheritor (magaji) of Shehu and Bello.
In the second stanza of the song, is a metaphorical assertion analysing the
cosmology by making a juxtaposition that the ‘brightness and a lamp is not
equal to the radiance of a moon, while the brightness of stars signifies the
start of Muslim early morning prayer. Hence, he cognomen to the listeners that Dawaya
kora dimau is a representative, the father of Sarki Zagi Bello of the Yari.
In addition, Mal. Saidu Faru manifested his unwavering experience in the third
stanza where he metaphorically praises the king as Ruwa da kada dibgau na
Magaji (free translation) meaning- river and crocodile of Magaji (a valiant
inheritor). The central philosophy captured from his song was the use of animals
to drive home his idea of encomium.
Another apposite selected song was that composed for Sarki
Kudu Muhammadu Maccido the son of Abubakar III when he was in Talata Mafara as
Sarki Gabas (the king of the Eastern flank of the caliphate). This song was an
outright encomium placed on him illustrated as follows:
Kana shire Baban Yanruwa
Na Bello jikan Danfodiyo
Gardaye so ka yi man iso
Fada mashi murna niz zaka
Dan Sardauna jikan Hassan
Babban da ga Baura Sarkin Kudu
Na Alkali Baban zagi,
Mai ja ma ya bari Dan Adamu.
Na Sarki Gobir Amadu,
Ci Fansa ga wan Sarki Kaya…
Wakag ga da nim mak Muhammadu,
Na ji dadin ta Mamman Sarki Kudu,
Tun dak Kabi (Kebbi) hak Kano ham
Masar,
Hab birnin Legas hab Bici,
Kowa ya ji wakar Sarki Kudu.[17]
Arising from the above first quoted song stanza, it connotes
a linguistic expression- Kana shire Bare Baban Yanruwa- meaning the king
is in a sound frame of mind preparing a competition (free translation) to free
yourself of others. He expressed further that Na Bello jikan Danfodiyo
denoting- the son of Bello and grandson of Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo. It is
apposite to note that the philosophy behind the musical and song expressions
using the Kotso drum creates a historical ambience of a eulogy tracing the
consanguinity relation of the king to Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo. This exposition
recounts the genealogical history of the family starting from Danfodiyo. The first
song in the second stanza stressed further, Gardaye zo ka yi man iso,
meaning- Gardaye (a cognomen signifying astuteness) ‘move closer me’; Fada
mashi murna niz zaka meaning- ‘relay to him that I have come to give him
happiness.’ It is a historical epic which accentuated in the third line of the
second stanza as Dan Sardauna jikan Hassan is also a reflection of depicting
‘the son of Sardauna, and the grandson of Hassan’.
Again, in the second stanza line one, Mal. Saidu Faru
demonstrated his prowess in the use of Hausa vocabulary to express his
musical/song disposition when he said; Babban da ga Baura Sarkin Kudu, meaning
‘the father of Baura a legendry king of Kudu’. This expression is a synthesised
encomium on family historical genealogy. He added by saying- Na Alkali Baban
zagi, meaning- ‘a bosom of a judge the father of zagi,’ in the same stanza,
Mai ja ma ya bari Dan Adamu meaning- ‘the owner of a large crowd the son
of Adamu’. This expression symbolizes Sarki Muhammadu Maccido nature of his
administrative ambience during his reign in Talata Mafara as Sarki Kudu with
his judge. The stanza four stresses his relation with other kings as reported, Na
Sarki Gobir Amadu, meaning- ‘a bosom of Amadu the king of Gobir’, he
equally contends, Ci Fansa ga wan Sarki Kaya, meaning- ‘in vengeance,
locate the king of Kaya’. The foregoing expression excerpted from Mal. Saidu
Faru’s composed song to Sarki Gabas Talata Mafara also demonstrated his friendship
and convivial relations with Amadu the king of Gobir and king of Kaya town. On
Sarki Kaya is a clear manifestation of his gallantry disposition in taking vengeance
when attacked or inflicted with a configure. This is an outright reflection of
history relays through the oral method.
The penultimate
stanza of the song composed by Sarki Gabas Muhammadu Maccido as quoted above
was a direct communication mixed with a melodious crescendo of kotso-
drum. As narrated in the following piece; Wakag ga da nim mak Muhammadu,
meaning- Malam Saidu Faru expressed that ‘this song composed for you-
Muhammadu’; Na ji dadin ta Mamman Sarki Kudu, I feel much happy/delighted
with Mammam Sarki Kudu’; Tun dak Kabi (Kebbi) hak Kano ham Masar,
meaning ‘from Kabi (Kebbi), up to Kano they enjoy it’; Hab birnin Legas hab
Bici, meaning- up to the city of Lagos and Bici’; and Kowa ya ji wakar
Sarki Kudu meaning- ‘all the people in the mentioned areas listened to
your’. Extracting from the expression, the song’s stanza is a radical
expression attesting to the extent of the song composed for Sark Gabas,
particularly how it gained acceptance and preeminence in Kebbi, Kano, Lagos City
and Bici. Connecting from the expressed stanza, it is a historical
extrapolation of the might of the king, and his convivial relation with other
kings especially as it demonstrated the characteristic of Sarki Kaya in terms
of vengeance.
In ascertaining the nature of Mal. Saidu Faru profundity and
comprehension of songs, ingenuity and adept reinforced the emplacement of a
personal encomium to himself as ‘Malamin Waka’ (the teacher of song) as
expressed in the following:
Saidu Malamin waka,
Mai kwana lazumi na Mammam na Balarabe,
Ban wuce gonata da irina ba, inda
Sarkin Kudu nat tsaya,
Saidu Faru; Farin cikin Musulmin
duniya,
Wakar Sarkin Kudu Muhammadu Maccido.
The above stanza depicted personal eulogies on the
personality characteristic of Mal. Saidu
Faru where he has sung
for himself. He commented that Saidu Malamin waka meaning- ‘teacher of the
song’; Mai kwana lazumi na Mammam na Balarabe, meaning- ‘a man with
sleepless night (vigil) supplicating to Allah, Mamman of Balarabe’; Ban wuce
gonata da irina ba, inda Sarkin Kudu nat tsaya, meaning- ‘I have never
transcended my boundary, where Sarki Kudu resides or place himself’; Saidu
Faru; Farin cikin Musulmin duniya, meaning- ‘Saidu Faru is happy to be
among the World Muslims’; and Wakar Sarkin Kudu Muhammadu Maccido’;
meaning- ‘this is a song composed for Sarkin Musulmi’. Unhesitantly, the
foregoing literary is derived from the personality eulogy of Mal. Saidu Faru
seemed to have construed himself to the audience as a teacher of song and has
been a devoted Muslim whose asceticism (doing away with Worldly things) shuns
away mundanity. The stanza illustrates his high-level steadfastness to Islam
through which his piety depicts a man who had all his sleepless nights
supplicating to Allah- the Most Sublime. In addition, his paradigm of
musical/son doggedness manifested the composing of his songs limiting them to
the kings, district heads and consanguinity relation of royalty in northern
Nigeria. His specialisation of song and music is in total aberration with his
grandfather who sings war songs. By and large, Mal. Saidu Faru extolled that
the extent of his song praised on Sarki Gabas Mouhammadu Maccido has gone
widespread beyond his domain as evident in Kebbi, Kano, Lagos City and Bici.
This is a historical assertion demonstrating the height of his fans as well as
where the Hausa people reside in Nigeria, especially in the city of Lagos.
Above, he vehemently adduced that he was delighted to be among the Muslims of
the World.
Criticisms of Mal. Saidu Faru
1.
His
musical instrument centred on the use of kotso- a drum, unlike other
musicians that contains several instruments that bring about a suitable
melodious and danceable crescendo.
2.
He
assertion that never learnt the act of singing from anyone apart from his
father, therefore there is the possibility of adapting ideas or deriving some
inspiration from other musicians which he uses. This is because no one can
relate to insulation, people have to interact in commensality, and thus gain
directly or indirectly.
3.
His
music and songs revolve around eulogizing some selected northern Nigeria
society's traditional rulers and institutions, and that does not prevent him
from singing for the poor. The pieces of evidence adduced are not sufficient,
through this assertion he must have subjected many Talakawa to psychological
trauma and forceful scramble for power that must have generated known and
unknown family vendetta or chao. This act was a discernible discrimination
between members of northern aristocracies, affluence and the indigent in the
society.
4.
He
was a good and devoted Muslim based on the number of encomiums he emplaced
Allah and His prophet, though not fully vast in religious knowledge/studies as
exemplified in some of his write-ups.
5.
Again,
his overbearing praises and eulogies seemed to have transcended the kings and
district heads beyond what Allah has made fundamentally to extort money, which
seemed to have been repugnant of natural and religious doctrines.
6.
Lastly,
his overzealous enthusiasm to sing for the kings using the melodious habaici
and zambo patterns was a typology of systemic insults of the poverty-ridden
populace of northern society during his songs’ epochal period.
Concluding Remarks
The paper has examined orality in songs and the advancement
of traditional history with specific experiences of Malam Saidu Faru- who variously
praised himself as Malami Waka (teacher of music/song); Dan Umma Rungumi and
Dan Tumba Rungumi. In this paper, orality is described as the
major matrix and genre of information dissemination in many ways, especially in
the construct of the traditional history of royalty in song as manifested in
this study. It is a process of divulging information through the mouth and has
ubiquitously gained ascendancy and acceptance in different environments, used
in relaying and recounting the past and in reconstruction of the present
situation as deployed by Mal. Saidu Faru in the numbers of his songs. The paper
demonstrated the quintessence of Mal. Saidu Faruas intrepid human being and an adept
traditional singer whose songs pierced through many phenomenal expositions as
encomium on kings hovering around history, philosophical thoughts, religious
sermons and prayers among others. By and large, the paper illustrated the
brevity of Mal. Saidu Faru was a royal singer, a traditional institution, and a
personality who derived inspiration from wild animals within his social milieu.
It is the hope of this studies continuing listening to his songs has the
potential value to reposition and remould human characters and behavioural
systems.
References
Attafua,
A.B, Traditional History, Historical Society of Ghana, Vol.1, No. 2,
1952.
Brauer,
J, Song Studies, History, Art History and Archaeology, Amsterdam
University Press, 2024.
Carr,
E.H, What is History, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1964.
Daniels,
R.V, Studying History, How and Why?
(2nd Edition), New Jersey, Prentice Hall, Inc, 1972.
David,
H, Oral Historiography, London, New York, Lagos, Longman, 1982.
Mantuba-Ngoma,
P.M, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina and Beyond,…(n.d).
Ong,
W.J, Orality and Literacy; The Technologizing of the Word, London and
New York.
Sheikh,
B, History: Its Theory and Method, Second Edition, Macmillan India
Limited, 2007.
Swai,
B. S, Professor Bonaventure Suleiman Swai, Reflections on History and
Historiography, Gaskiya Corporation Limited, Zaria, 2022.
Thompson,
P, The Voice of the Past Oral History, Oxford, Oxford University Press,
2000.
Vansina,
J,…..1961, cited Mantuba-Ngoma, P.M, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina
and Beyond,…..
Vasina,
J, Oral Tradition as History, Madison and London, 1985.
[1]
As cited in his biographical history written in Hausa language by Prof. Saidu
Mohammad Gusau. He usually eulogises himself as Dan Umma Rungumi and Dan Tumba
Rungumi.
[2]
This a type of drum moulded from wood in a funnel shape form covering at one
end with animal skin, while the outer edge is usually left open. It is
directing hits by bear hand unlike stick of all conventional drum to produce
melodious sound.
[3]
Ibid…
[4]
W. J. Ong, Orality and Literacy; The Technologizing of the Word, London
and New York. See also H, David, Oral Historiography, London, New York,
Lagos, Longman, 1982.
[5]
B. Sheikh, History: Its Theory and Method, Second Edition, Macmillan
India Limited, 2007.
[6]
Ibid…
[7]
P. M, Mantuba-Ngoma, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina and Beyond
[8]
J. Vansina, 1961, p. 5
cited in P. M, Mantuba-Ngoma, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina
and Beyond,….. See
more details in J, Vasina, Oral Tradition as History, Madison and
London, 1985.
[9]
P. Thompson, The Voice of the Past Oral History, Oxford, Oxford
University Press, 2000, p.
18.
[10]
E. H, Carr, What is History, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1964.
[11]
R.V Daniels, Studying History, How and
Why? (2nd Edition), New Jersey, Prentice Hall, Inc, 1972, p. 3.
[12]
B. S, Swai, Professor Bonaventure Suleiman Swai, Reflections on History and
Historiography, Gaskiya Corporation Limited, Zaria, 2022.
[13]
A.B, Attafua, Traditional History, Historical Society of Ghana, Vol.1,
No. 2, 1952, pp.1-31.
[14]
J. Brauer, Song Studies, History, Art History and Archaeology, Amsterdam
University Press, 2024.
[15]
Oral interview with Mal. Aliyu Muazu, Civil servant, Zamfara State, age 45
years, 30/04/2023.
[16]
Oral interview with Alhaji Shehu Alkanchi, he isa lecturer at the Department of
History, College of Education Maru, Zamfara State, permanent resident in Talata
Mafara area, age 47 years, 29/04/2023. I am really indebted to the painstaking
of granting the opportunity have extensive discourse on the general phenomenon
under investigation.
[17]
S. M, Gusau, Makada Da Mawakan Hausa,…This was a directed interview
conducted by the author of the quoted reference, 03/09/1985 and assessed by
this paper on the 03/05/2024.
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HAUSA: Kuna iya rubuto mana tsokaci ko tambayoyi a ƙasa. Tsokacinku game da abubuwan da muke ɗorawa shi zai tabbatar mana cewa mutane suna amfana da wannan ƙoƙari da muke yi na tattaro muku ɗimbin ilimummuka a wannan kafar intanet.